دانشگاه رازی مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل 2383-3602 8 2 2026 02 20 Artificial Intelligence Impacts on the Capacity of International Political Economy Actors تأثیر هوش مصنوعی بر ظرفیت کنش‎گران در اقتصاد سیاسی بین‌الملل 1 19 3963 10.22126/ipes.2025.11834.1730 FA مرتضی نورمحمدی دانشیار گروه روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، تهران، ایران. https://orcid.org/00 هادی تقی پور اردشیری کاندیدای دکتری روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، تهران، ایران. 0009-0003-9102-6010 Journal Article 2025 04 22 Artificial intelligence (AI), one of the most significant technological advancements of the current century, has profoundly and broadly impacted various aspects of international political economy (IPE). A key impact is the fundamental transformation of actor capacity within this domain. This study aims at examining the impact of AI on the capacity of IPE actors. The main question is: How has AI altered actor capacity in the international political economy, and what implications does this hold for traditional structures of power and agency? The research hypothesizes that AI is fundamentally shifting actor capacity from human to post-human (i.e., machines and AI-driven systems). The research employs a qualitative and descriptive-analytical method, with data collected through investigating existing literature, scholarly articles, key reports, and case analyses. The findings reveal that AI has generated novel post-human capacities for actors that were previously nonexistent. These impacts include the diminishing role of states as main traditional actors, the empowerment of transnational institutions and multinational corporations, and the emergence of a new environment for intelligent action. In conclusion, AI has empowered actors with improved and rapid decision-making capabilities in complex IPE through enhancing data processing precision, speed, and analytical power, which is particularly evident in areas such as international trade, economic policymaking, and global crisis management. Introduction Artificial intelligence (AI), as one of the most prominent technologies of the current century, has transitioned from theoretical concepts into an effective reality in international interactions. One area directly impacted by this technology is international political economy (IPE), specifically the capacity of national(state) and transnational actors. Historically, agency in IPE relied on human capabilities and traditional tools; however, given the expansion of AI, activities can now be performed through intelligent systems. This evolution raises questions about the changing nature of actors and the transfer of power from human to post-human actors. AI, with its ability to analyze big data and facilitate decision-making, has propelled the capacity of these actors into a new phase. In this regard, the research aims to investigate the impacts of AI on the capacity of actors in IPE. The research question is: What impact does AI have on the capacity of actors in IPE? The hypothesis is that AI is leading to a fundamental transformation in actor capacity, such that the nature of agency is shifting from human to post-human (machines and AI-based systems). Theoretical Framework The conceptual analysis of this research is based on two approaches: first, AI as an independent post-human actor, and second, AI as an assistant enhancing actor capacity. In the first approach, AI itself could be recognized as an actor, while in the second approach, AI is a tool. This research, building upon the second approach, presents a conceptual model of the impact of artificial intelligence on actors of IPE, signifying a transition from the era of realist state-centrism and liberal transnationalism to an era of state-evasion. According to this analytical model, the transition from the "pre-AI era" to the "post-AI era" is being established through the integration of AI into the structure of actors and the creation of new capacities for them. Methodology This research employs a qualitative, descriptive-analytical method. Relevant data were gathered and examined through a study of existing sources, including articles, reports, and case analyses. A comparative method was also utilized to analyze the differences in actor capacity between the pre- and post-AI eras. Specifically, the traditional human decision-making process was compared with new decision-making models based on machine learning algorithms, data mining, and predictive analytics. Results & Discussion To study systematically, this research utilized two key indicators: the impact of AI on decision-making processes in IPE, and the impact of AI on the speed and effectiveness of decision-making. Here, the findings indicate a fundamental transformation in actor capacity. The most significant areas impacted by artificial intelligence include: Intelligent Decision-Making: AI is changing the seven-stage human decision-making processes. Instead of manual and limited human analysis, intelligent tools analyze vast amounts rapidly, providing diverse options to decision-makers. Increased Speed of Decision-Making: One of AI's achievements is its significant acceleration of the decision-making process and increased accuracy in its execution. Formation of New Technological Competitive Blocs: A new competition is emerging among states, tech-companies, transnational institutions, and non-state actors on data dominance, investment in AI, new technology production, and the setting of governance standards. Shift in Global Power Structure: AI is diminishing the role of states as the main traditional actors while strengthening transnational actors such as multinational corporations. These developments are redefining power structures and have led to the formation of competitive regional blocs (e.g., China, the U.S., Europe, Asia). Dynamic New Environment to Act: Entry into the smart environment of the global economy requires understanding the complexities arising from AI and optimizing its use in areas such as international trade, economic growth, labor market changes, and global governance. This new environment has elevated agency to a post-human level through combining technological, political, and economic factors. Conclusions This research confirms that AI is fundamentally shifting the capacity of actors from human to post-human (AI-based systems). This transformation is driven by AI's central role in decision-making, data analysis, wealth generation, and governance. Consequently, transnational actors have leveraged AI to significantly strengthen their economic and political positions, in some cases even gaining dominance over national actors. Conversely, states are now compelled to rapidly develop their technological infrastructure and formulate new policies to adapt to this global "smart" environment. This transfer of power from states to intelligent non-state actors highlights an urgent need to re-evaluate traditional concepts of sovereignty, international economics, and politics. In conclusion, AI has not merely altered the tools of decision-making; it is establishing the groundwork for a new global order where data, algorithms, and speed are the primary determinants of power. These profound transformations necessitate the establishment of new regulatory frameworks, foster global cooperation in technology governance, and require a critical re-evaluation of national development strategies to both harness AI's benefits and mitigate its potential negative consequences. Ethical Considerations Not applicable Funding Not applicable Conflict of interest The authors declare no conflict of interest هوش مصنوعی به‌عنوان یکی از بزرگ‌ترین دستاوردهای تکنولوژیکی قرن حاضر، تأثیرات عمیق و گسترده‌ای بر حوزه‌های مختلف اقتصاد سیاسی بین‌الملل گذاشته است. یکی از مهم‌ترین این تأثیرات، تحول بنیادین در ظرفیت کنش‎گران این حوزه است. نوشتار پیش رو با هدف بررسی تأثیرات هوش مصنوعی بر ظرفیت کنش‎گران اقتصاد سیاسی بین‌الملل انجام شده است. پرسش اصلی پژوهش این است که هوش مصنوعی چگونه ظرفیت کنش‎گران را در اقتصاد سیاسی بین‌الملل تغییر داده و چه پیامدهایی برای ساختارهای سنتی قدرت و کنش‎گری به‌همراه داشته است؟ فرضیه پژوهش بیان می‌کند که هوش مصنوعی در حال ایجاد تحولی اساسی در ظرفیت کنش‎گران، از انسان به فراانسان (ماشین‌ها و سیستم‌های مبتنی بر هوش مصنوعی) است. روش پژوهش کیفی و توصیفی-تحلیلی بوده و داده‌ها از طریق مطالعه منابع موجود، مقالات علمی، گزارش‌های معتبر و تحلیل‌های موردی جمع‌آوری شده‌اند. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهند که هوش مصنوعی ظرفیت‌های نوین فراانسانی را برای کنش‎گران ایجاد کرده است که پیش از این وجود نداشت. ازجمله این تأثیرات می‌توان به کم‌رنگ شدن نقش دولت‌ها به‌عنوان بازیگران مهم سنتی، قدرت‌گیری نهادهای فراملی و شرکت‌های چندملیتی و همچنین ظهور محیط نوین کنش‎گری هوشمند اشاره کرد. درنتیجه، هوش مصنوعی با افزایش دقت، سرعت و توان تحلیل داده‌ها، به کنش‎گران امکان تصمیم‌گیری بهتر و سریع‌تر در عرصه‌های پیچیده اقتصاد سیاسی بین‌الملل را داده است و این امر به‌ویژه در حوزه‌هایی مانند تجارت بین‌الملل، سیاست‌گذاری اقتصادی و مدیریت بحران‌های جهانی مشهود است.

https://ipes.razi.ac.ir/article_3963_056fe2d7754288c77b2af4b85bddc2f5.pdf

دانشگاه رازی مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل 2383-3602 8 2 2026 02 20 Economic Complexity as a Strategy to Mitigate the Impact of Sanctions:A Case Study of Russia (2000–2022) پیچیدگی اقتصادی به‎منزله راهکار کاهش اثر تحریم؛ مطالعه موردی روسیه 2000 تا 2022 21 42 4154 10.22126/ipes.2026.11420.1715 FA فاطمه محروق استادیار روابط بین‎الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران. ابوالقاسم شهریاری مدرس مدعو گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران. فاطمه سنیسل دانشجوی روابط بین‎الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران. Journal Article 2025 04 19 Russia is one of the countries that have been targeted by multilateral sanctions since 2014, which has disrupted exports of the country's most important product, but a Russian trade balance has suggested that its actions have been effective in reducing the impact of sanctions. One of the most important ways to reduce the impact of sanctions is to produce products that, in addition to restricting production by others, have many consumers, a topic that has been considered under the concept and theory of economic complexity. So the question has been raised how the boycott has had on Russian trade exchanges? And how much has Russia's economic complexity index affected the impact of sanctions? The answer to the question, which is the hypothesis of the research, is that focusing on exporting highly complex products has led Russia to reduce the impact of successful sanctions. The research method is time series, and trade exchanges from 2000 to 2022 have been studied. The findings suggest that although sanctions have been reduced by Russian trade since 2014, the replacement of highly complex commercial products has promoted Russian exchanges since 2018. Although energy exports remain the most important source of revenue for Russia, the emphasis on technology in other products has led to new business partners as an alternative to reducing energy exports from Russian trade. Introduction When discussing the literature on sanctions in the international system, one of the most debated topics is the extent to which sanctions are effective. Numerous arguments suggest that economic sanctions can significantly harm the commercial activities of targeted countries. Sanctions are tools intended to disrupt the operations of targeted nations and exert pressure on them. Thus, it is evident that sanctions are impactful, but their effectiveness varies depending on the conditions of the targeted country. Sanctions are generally defined as actions or threats by a country or an international organization aimed at punishing, restricting, or broadly influencing the behavior of the sanctioned country, private entities, or powerful elites. Sanctions impose various costs on sanctioned countries, including currency crises due to reduced trade and dollar shortages, banking crises resulting from the severance of domestic and foreign banking connections, and, more broadly, economic shocks stemming from a decline in international trade. However, sanctions alone do not determine their level of impact; the economic resilience of the targeted country in countering the effects of sanctions is a critical factor in evaluating their effectiveness. This resilience is addressed under the concept of the Economic Complexity Index (ECI). The ECI emphasizes that a country's economic strength is primarily determined by the sophistication of the products it exports. The higher the level of technology embedded in the goods produced, the harder it becomes to sanction that country. This is because consumers lack substitutes for such products and may be compelled to disregard sanctions if they are imposed. Based on this premise, the present study raises the question: What impact have sanctions had on Russia's trade exchanges? And to what extent has Russia's Economic Complexity Index helped mitigate the effects of sanctions? The study's hypothesis, which serves as the research's central claim, posits that focusing on the export of high-complexity products has enabled Russia to successfully reduce the impact of sanctions. Theoretical Framework Economic complexity aligns closely with the theory of endogenous growth. This theory asserts that economic growth is essentially the growth of knowledge, the only generative factor capable of sustained per capita growth. Economic development requires the accumulation of productive knowledge and its application in more sophisticated industries. This concept directly ties to a fundamental principle in the literature on economic complexity: not only are developed countries more diverse, but they are also more complex. This means that developed countries can produce goods or services that require a broader (and consequently larger) set of knowledge. Goods and services differ in the amount of knowledge they require and vary in the diversity and types of tools, codes, and skills needed for their production. Thus, a product is considered complex when it is produced by a limited number of highly diverse countries, which themselves also produce rare products, and those products are made by similarly diverse countries. A country is deemed complex, according to the Economic Complexity Index (ECI), if it produces a large variety of goods (indicating high diversity), relatively rare goods. Methodology Time series techniques have been employed to examine the impact of economic complexity on sanctions in Russia. Based on the results of the time series analysis, an evaluation of existing trends, the effects of sanctions on Russia, and the measures taken by Russia to mitigate the impact of sanctions will be provided. Results & Discussion The time series data on Russia's exports indicate a significant upward trend from 2000 to 2008, followed by a decline in 2009 due to the global financial crisis. However, from 2010 onward, exports resumed an upward trajectory, reaching their highest levels between 2011 and 2013. This growth was sharply interrupted by the sanctions imposed in 2014, leading to a substantial decline. Russia’s export growth resumed again in 2017, and despite another decline in 2020, export levels in the final two years of the series returned to pre-2014 levels. Notably, even after the 2014 sanctions, exports never fell to the lowest levels observed at the start of the time series. Similarly, the import time series followed a comparable pattern. After declining in 2009, imports increased steadily until 2013 but then dropped significantly due to the 2014 sanctions. From 2017 onward, imports showed signs of recovery, improving over four years before experiencing a decline in the final year of the series. These export and import trends also influenced Russia’s trade balance, which saw a decline in 2014 as a direct result of the sanctions. However, a key distinction in the trade balance is its upward trend at the end of the time series, highlighting that exports consistently exceeded imports despite the imposition of sanctions. Conclusions & Suggestions Trade sanctions are measures aimed at restricting economic interactions with a target country by limiting international trade. Financial sanctions, on the other hand, include restrictions on financial asset transactions and blocking investments. These types of sanctions have significantly increased over time due to the globalization of economic activities and the integration of financial markets. As examined in this study, between 2014 and 2024, more than 17,000 sanctions have been imposed and implemented against Russia. These sanctions have been assessed as both targeted and effective, significantly disrupting Russia's most critical export sector, energy. However, the analysis of hypotheses revealed that leveraging the Economic Complexity Index (ECI), which emphasizes the production of high-tech goods, has played a crucial role in strengthening Russia’s trade levels during the sanctions period. This approach has not only mitigated the temporary decline in Russia's trade balance but also enabled the country to achieve favorable trade conditions despite sanctions. It must be acknowledged that sanctions have directly impacted Russia’s academic exchanges, causing a sharp decline in its research index. Nevertheless, Russia’s technological capabilities have prevented a severe decline in its economic complexity, ensuring that its international trade was not significantly disrupted. This resilience has led to the suspension or even complete removal of some sanctions. A notable example is Russia's nuclear industry, which was exempted from sanctions as of December 2023, allowing Rosatom, Russia's state nuclear corporation, to continue its operations without restrictions. Ethical Considerations Not applicable Funding Not applicable Conflict of interest The authors declare no conflict of interest روسیه ازجمله کشورهایی است که از سال 2014 هدف تحریم چندجانبه قرار گرفته است که صادرات مهم‎ترین محصول این کشور، انرژی را دچار اختلال کرده است، اما بررسی تراز تجاری روسیه حاکی از آن است که اقدامات این کشور در کاهش اثر تحریم اثرگذار بوده است. یکی از مهم‎ترین راهکارهای کاهش اثر تحریم، تولید محصولاتی است که افزون بر محدودیت در تولید از سوی دیگران، مصرف‎کنندگان متعددی نیز داشته باشد، موضوعی که تحت مفهوم و نظریه شاخص پیچیدگی اقتصادی مورد توجه قرار گرفته است. بدین‎جهت این سؤال طرح شده است که تحریم چه تأثیری بر مبادلات تجاری روسیه داشته است؟ و شاخص پیچیدگی اقتصادی روسیه چه تا اندازه بر مقابله با آثار تحریم اثرگذار بوده است؟ پاسخ به سؤال که فرضیه پژوهش محسوب می‎گردد این است که تمرکز بر صادرات محصولات با پیچیدگی بالا سبب شده تا اقدامات روسیه در کاهش اثر تحریم موفقیت‎آمیز باشد. روش پژوهش سری زمانی است و مبادلات تجاری 2000 تا 2022 مورد بررسی قرار گرفته است. یافته‌ها حاکی از آن است که اگرچه اعمال تحریم از سال 2014 موجب کاهش مبادلات تجاری روسیه شده است، اما جایگزینی محصولات تجاری با پیچیدگی بالا موجب ارتقاء سطح مبادلات روسیه از سال 2018 شده است. هرچند صادرات انرژی همچنان مهم‎ترین منبع تجاری روسیه محسوب می‎شود، اما تأکید بر تکنولوژی در تولیدات دیگر سبب شده تا شرکای تجاری پیشین و جدید به‎عنوان جایگزین کاهش صادرات انرژی مانع از تنزل مبادلات تجاری روسیه شوند.

https://ipes.razi.ac.ir/article_4154_f8d71296e1e6ba8511a894430cf05eaa.pdf

دانشگاه رازی مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل 2383-3602 8 2 2026 02 20 Legal and Political Analysis of Donald Trump's Trade War Against China, Canada, and Mexico from the Perspective of International Relations تحلیل حقوقی و سیاسی جنگ تجاری دونالد ترامپ علیه چین، کانادا و مکزیک از منظر روابط بین‌الملل 43 62 4152 10.22126/ipes.2026.12090.1743 FA علیرضا رضایی گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل، واحد همدان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، همدان، ایران مهدی اسکندری خوشگو دانشجوی دکتری حقوق بین‌الملل عمومی، گروه حقوق، واحد همدان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، همدان، ایران. Journal Article 2025 10 31 In recent decades, globalization and the expansion of international trade have become key features of the global economic system. However, with the start of Donald Trump’s trade war against China, Canada and Mexico, these relations were severely affected. Trump’s trade war, which intensified through the imposition of tariffs and trade barriers on imports and exports involving China, Canada, and Mexico, created new economic and political tensions in the global arena. Examining the causes, consequences, and legal challenges associated with this trade war is particularly important because its effects directly influence trade structures, international relations, and the global order. A trade war refers to economic and commercial tensions between countries that can arise from various factors, such as trade imbalances, economic interests, and security concerns. During Trump’s presidency, the United States focused on establishing a trade balance with China and sought to protect domestic industries and create jobs by imposing high tariffs. The present study, conducted using a descriptive-analytical approach, attempts to answer the question of what effects Trump’s trade war against China, Canada, and Mexico has had on international relations and global trade structures. The results of the study indicate that Trump’s trade war not only caused economic and political damage to the countries involved but also created serious challenges in the field of international trade law and international cooperation. Introduction The trade war strategy reflected Trump’s ideology of “America First,” emphasizing economic nationalism and the re-evaluation of traditional alliances while simultaneously creating space for the escalation of geopolitical tensions. The trade conflict significantly affected economic and diplomatic relations, as the imposition of tariffs and retaliatory measures strained relations with key trade partners. In particular, the nature of U.S.–China relations were characterized by increased suspicion and competitive posturing, raising concerns about issues such as intellectual property theft and national security. Relations with Canada and Mexico also faced challenges, as the United States sought to address broader issues such as drug trafficking and immigration, complicating efforts to reach joint trade solutions in North America. The legal frameworks governing international trade, including the principles of the World Trade Organization, as well as U.S. legal authorities, were tested as the Trump administration adopted a broad interpretation of national security to justify tariffs and trade restrictions. Reliance on Sections 301 and 232 of the U.S. Trade Act reflected a deviation from established norms and raised questions about the long-term sustainability of the global trading system. The controversies surrounding Trump’s trade war sparked extensive discussions among economists, policymakers, and the public, with critics warning about potential adverse effects on global economic stability and domestic employment. The complex interplay between economic incentives, national security concerns, and public sentiment redefined trade policies and their implications for international relations, highlighting the need for a nuanced understanding and diplomatic engagement in an increasingly interconnected world. Trade relations between the United States and its North American neighbors, Canada and Mexico, have undergone significant transformation in recent years, particularly under Trump’s trade policies. Theoretical Framework Trade wars have a long and complex history, often reflecting deeper economic, political, and geopolitical tensions between nations. Economic theories of trade can generally be categorized into those supporting free trade and those advocating protection of domestic industries. Proponents of free trade, influenced by thinkers such as Adam Smith and David Ricardo, emphasize the benefits of open markets and minimal government intervention in trade. They argue that free trade enhances efficiency and stimulates economic growth by allowing countries to specialize according to their comparative advantages. In contrast, protectionist theories emphasize the need to shield domestic industries from foreign competition. Advocates of protectionism argue that tools such as tariffs, quotas, and subsidies can protect emerging industries and jobs while safeguarding national security. The infant industry argument suggests that new sectors may require temporary support to become globally competitive, while strategic trade theory proposes that government intervention can help correct market failures. Trade wars and protectionist policies have increasingly become central strategies in global economic relations, influencing trade flows, supply chains, and overall economic stability. Historical examples such as the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act during the Great Depression and recent trade disputes between the United States and China illustrate the disruptive nature of trade wars, as they intensify tensions and create uncertainty in global markets. Protectionist tools also include quotas, which limit the amount of specific goods that can be imported. While they may offer short-term benefits, they often provoke retaliation and can negatively affect consumers, making their overall economic impact uncertain. Historically, mercantilism from the 17th to the 18th centuries dominated economic thought, advocating high import tariffs to protect domestic industries and promote exports. This approach was exemplified by countries such as England, which imposed tariffs to support its manufacturing sectors. Later economic theories, such as Ricardo’s concept of comparative advantage, gained prominence in modern trade discourse. Some countries, particularly in East Asia, have pursued a neomercantilism strategy, combining aggressive export promotion with controlled reductions in import barriers to support domestic industries. Methodology This research is theoretical in nature. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and information was collected through library research, including books, academic articles, and other scholarly sources. Results and Discussion Trump’s trade war, due to price fluctuations and disruptions in supply chains, increased costs for both American producers and consumers. Many industries, particularly in the technology and agricultural sectors, faced serious challenges. Economic data analysis shows that the imposition of tariffs had significant effects on U.S. exports and imports. For example, the steel and aluminum industries experienced rising raw material costs, while agricultural exports to China declined as a result of retaliatory tariffs. By imposing tariffs and trade restrictions, the United States crossed several boundaries in relation to the rules of the World Trade Organization. The legal challenges arising from Trump’s trade war highlight the need for reforms in international trade regulations. Such reforms should not only address existing limitations but also strengthen multilateral cooperation and more accurately anticipate economic and social consequences in legal frameworks. Political developments resulting from Trump’s trade war also led to significant changes in U.S. foreign policy and its relations with other countries. With the slogan “America First,” Trump sought to revise U.S. trade and diplomatic relations. Conclusions and Suggestions Trump’s trade war against China was driven, on the one hand, by economic competition, asymmetric trade relations, and allegations of intellectual property theft, and on the other hand, it served as a political tool to gain support and strengthen nationalism. The trade war generated tensions and dissatisfaction within the international community, and its consequences continue to be felt in economic and political cycles. The renegotiation of NAFTA, the shift toward economic nationalism, and rising political and social tensions influenced Trump’s trade decisions and strained U.S. relations with these countries. Trump’s trade war not only affected the U.S. economy but also marked a transformation in the country’s trade and international policies. The changes in U.S. foreign policy reflect significant shifts in its international relations, particularly in its interactions with China and other nations. At the domestic level, the economic consequences of the trade war affected industries under pressure as well as voters, ultimately contributing to social dissatisfaction and shifts in political behavior. China’s responses also demonstrated the country’s strategic capacity in addressing these challenges. By taking advantage of the circumstances created by the trade conflict, China strengthened its global economic position and expanded its international engagement. A closer analysis of the political consequences of Trump’s trade war against Canada shows that it affected not only historical, economic, and diplomatic relations but also social dynamics. Similarly, the trade war with Mexico produced deep and wide-ranging economic, political, and social consequences. With the implementation of economic reforms in response to the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement, Mexico faced internal and external tensions and shifts in regional interactions, placing the country in a complex position. Ethical Considerations Not applicable Funding Not applicable Conflict of interest The authors declare no conflict of interest در دهه‌های گذشته، جهانی‌شدن و گسترش تجارت بین‌الملل به یکی از ویژگی‌های کلیدی نظام اقتصادی جهانی تبدیل شده است؛ اما با آغاز جنگ تجاری دونالد ترامپ علیه چین، کانادا و مکزیک، روابط بین‌الملل به‌شدت تحت تأثیر قرار گرفت. جنگ تجاری دونالد ترامپ که به‌صورت تحمیل تعرفه‌ها و موانع تجاری بر واردات و صادرات چین، کانادا و مکزیک تشدید شد، موجب بروز تنش‌های اقتصادی و سیاسی جدیدی در عرصه جهانی گردید. بررسی علل، پیامدها و چالش‌های حقوقی مرتبط با جنگ تجاری دونالد ترامپ از اهمیت بسیاری برخوردار است، زیرا تأثیرات آن به‌طور مستقیم بر ساختارهای تجاری، روابط بین‌الملل و نظم جهانی نفوذ دارد. جنگ تجاری درواقع به تنش‌های اقتصادی و تجاری میان کشورها اطلاق می‌شود که می‌تواند ناشی از عوامل گوناگونی نظیر نابرابری‌های تجاری، منافع اقتصادی و نگرانی‌های امنیتی باشد. در دوره ریاست جمهوری دونالد ترامپ، ایالات متحده به‌طور خاص بر روی تلاش برای برقراری توازن تجاری با چین متمرکز گردید و با استفاده از تعرفه‌های بالا،‌ به دنبال حفاظت از صنایع داخلی و ایجاد فرصت‌های شغلی در داخل کشور بود. پژوهش حاضر که به روش توصیفی – تحلیلی بیان‌شده، تلاش نموده است تا به این پرسش، پاسخ دهد که جنگ تجاری دونالد ترامپ علیه چین، کانادا و مکزیک چه تأثیراتی بر روابط بین‌الملل و ساختارهای تجارت جهانی دارد؟ نتایج پژوهش حاکی از آن است که جنگ تجاری دونالد ترامپ، نه‌تنها سبب صدمات اقتصادی و سیاسی برای کشورهای درگیر شده، بلکه به چالش‌های جدی درزمینه حقوق تجارت بین‌الملل و همکاری‌های بین‌المللی انجامیده است.

https://ipes.razi.ac.ir/article_4152_fc29ace2206987805a78f6eef43b3ac6.pdf

دانشگاه رازی مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل 2383-3602 8 2 2026 02 20 Comparative Analysis of U.S. Oil Sanctions Against Iran and Russia مقایسه تطبیقی تحریم‌های نفتی آمریکا علیه ایران و روسیه 63 84 4160 10.22126/ipes.2026.11973.1736 FA سید یحیی علوی استادیار دانشگاه جامع امام حسین (ع)، تهران، ایران. 0009-0003-0139-8225 وحید آقایی اکرامی کارشناسی ارشد پیوسته معارف اسلامی و اقتصاد، دانشکده اقتصاد مقاومتی، دانشگاه جامع امام حسین (ع)، تهران، ایران. 0009-0006-7443-484X همایون خلیلی کارشناسی ارشد پیوسته معارف اسلامی و اقتصاد، دانشکده اقتصاد مقاومتی، دانشگاه جامع امام حسین (ع)، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 10 30 U.S. oil sanctions against Iran and Russia, as part of the broader foreign policy strategies of the United States, have had differing impacts on the economies of these two countries. This article aimed to identify the similarities and differences between U.S.-imposed oil sanctions—both primary and secondary—against Iran and Russia. Using thematic analysis and the MAXQDA software, this study conducts a comparative analysis of U.S. oil sanctions targeting Iran and Russia. The findings indicated that although oil sanctions against Iran and Russia pursue similar overarching objectives, they differ significantly in terms of their intensity and scope. According to one of the key findings, while both countries have been subjected to “asset-freeze” sanctions in various cases and for different reasons, the asset-freeze sanctions imposed on Iran have been far more severe and extensive. For example, the National Iranian Oil Company is subject to asset-freeze sanctions, whereas Russia’s largest oil company, Rosneft, has not yet faced such sanctions. The experiences derived from sanctions, considering the anti-sanctions infrastructures in Iran and Russia, underscore the necessity of establishing structured cooperation to utilize mutual capacities. Such cooperation can prevent negative competition between the two countries in addressing sanctions and contribute to increasing efficiency and success in overcoming sanctions imposed on both countries. Introduction In recent decades, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia—two influential players in the global energy market—have become targets of U.S. oil sanctions. These sanctions, imposed for various reasons including the deliberate weakening of both nations' economies, have resulted in significant geopolitical and economic repercussions for the countries involved as well as for the international system. Given that oil remains one of the most influential and vital components of the global economy, this article examines the sanctions imposed on two of the largest oil-producing and exporting nations. Conceptual Framework Economic sanctions refer to non-military measures imposed by one country that adversely affect the transfer of goods, services, or financial assets to a specific foreign nation. The goal of these sanctions is either to warn or punish that nation, or to compel it to conform to certain political goals, or to signal the sanctioning country’s disapproval of its actions and behavior. Sanctions serve as an instrument for achieving political goals in the international arena. The economic lifeblood of nations is facilitated by their economic relationships with other countries, and this interdependence has led to the emergence of economic sanctions as a strategic tool. Oil sanctions, in particular, can be broadly classified by subject into two general categories: trade-related and financial sanctions. Trade-related sanctions consist of two primary types: sanctions on purchases (imports) and sanctions on sales (exports and re-exports). Financial sanctions, on the other hand, include measures affecting banking transactions, insurance, and related financial activities. Furthermore, economic sanctions can be categorized based on the level of cooperation among the sanctioning countries into three groups: comprehensive, multilateral, and unilateral sanctions. Methodology The research method employed in this article is thematic analysis. Thematic analysis is a method used to identify, analyze, and determine patterns within qualitative data. It is a common, flexible, and easily learnable approach with a fundamental and systematic process that can be applied across most qualitative research methods. One of its key features is its suitability for highlighting similarities and differences within data sets. The data used in this study include U.S. congressional legislation and presidential executive orders up to May 2024 that relate to oil and oil-related sanctions. These documents were identified and separated from other sources using English keywords related to oil, such as “Oil,” “Petroleum,” and “Energy.” The required documents were extracted from the website of the U.S. Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC). MAXQDA software was used in this study for coding, data analysis, and the extraction of the conceptual model. Results & Discussion In the realm of primary sanctions, although U.S. oil sanctions against Iran and Russia are similar and identical across four areas— 1-the export of goods, services, and technology to the oil sector; 2- the importation of oil and petroleum products; 3- investment; and 4- financing—the scope and severity of asset freezes against oil companies are considerably greater for Iran than for Russia. While all Iranian oil companies—especially state-owned enterprises such as the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC), NICO, and those involved in shipping, refining, and distribution—are subject to asset freeze sanctions, major Russian oil companies are not even included in such measures. The disparity between the two countries is even more pronounced in the domain of secondary sanctions. The sale of goods, equipment, and technology to the oil sectors of both Iran and Russia is uniformly subject to U.S. secondary sanctions. Moreover, transactions with Iranian and Russian oil companies listed on the blacklist or the Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) list also fall under these secondary measures. However, in other sanction categories, there is a significant difference between Iran and Russia. Unlike Iran, where the entire energy sector is targeted by secondary sanctions, Russia’s energy sector is not subject to such measures. U.S. secondary sanctions collectively target transactions by foreign third-party companies and banks in the areas of exploration, production, and extraction of oil in both countries. Furthermore, Iran’s secondary sanctions are not confined to these three areas; they also encompass downstream industries and the refining sector. Conclusions & Suggestions Despite the considerable similarity between the oil sanctions imposed on both countries, the severity and scope of the sanctions against Iran are greater than those against Russia. This difference arises from divergent targeting goals. The goal of Iran's oil sanctions is to eliminate and nullify its revenue generation, whereas in the case of Russia, the goal is to reduce its oil production capacity and diminish its income. This disparity in sanctions can influence the manner in which the two countries cooperate to circumvent them. For instance, instead of engaging in counterproductive competition by offering discounts to undisclosed oil buyers, Iran and Russia could collaborate, given that Russian oil sanctions and shipping measures are less severe, and Iranian oil could be exported by Russia. Conversely, due to the distinct sanctions imposed by the European Union on Russian gas imports, Russian gas could be sold through Iran, which would serve as a regional hub in the Persian Gulf countries. Clearly, achieving this objective requires establishing an appropriate framework to guide and facilitate bilateral cooperation in countering the sanctions. Ethical Considerations Not applicable Funding Not applicable Conflict of interest The authors declare no conflict of interest تحریم‌های نفتی آمریکا علیه ایران و روسیه به‌عنوان بخشی از راهبردهای کلان سیاست خارجی ایالات متحده آمریکا، تأثیرات متفاوتی بر اقتصاد این دو کشور داشته است. هدف این مقاله شناسایی شباهت‌ها و تفاوت‌های تحریم‌های نفتی اعمال‌شده توسط آمریکا، به دو صورت تحریم‌های اولیه و ثانویه، علیه این دو کشور است. این مقاله، با استفاده از روش تحلیل مضمون و نرم‌افزار مکس‎کیودا، به مقایسه تطبیقی تحریم‌های نفتی ایالات متحده آمریکا علیه ایران و روسیه می‌پردازد. این مقاله نشان می‌دهد که اگرچه تحریم‌های نفتی علیه ایران و روسیه در اهداف کلی مشابه هستند، اما از نظر شدت و دامنه تحریم، تفاوت‌های قابل‌توجهی دارند. طبق یکی از نتایج به‌دست‌آمده، اگرچه دو کشور در موارد مختلف و به دلایل متنوع، تحریم «توقیف دارایی» شده‌اند، اما تحریم‌های «توقیف دارایی» اعمال‌شده علیه ایران به‌مراتب شدیدتر و گسترده‌تر بوده است. برای مثال، شرکت ملی نفت ایران، تحت تحریم‌های توقیف دارایی قرار دارد، در حالی که بزرگ‌ترین شرکت نفتی روسیه، «روسنفت»، هنوز با چنین تحریم‌هایی مواجه نشده است. تجارب حاصل از تحریم‌ها با توجه به زیرساخت‌های مقابله با تحریم در دو کشور ایران و روسیه، ایجاب می‌کند تا همکاری مشترک برای استفاده از ظرفیت‌های متقابل، ذیل ساختار منسجم فراهم شود. این همکاری می‌تواند از رقابت منفی دو کشور در موضوع مقابله با تحریم‌ها جلوگیری کند و به افزایش بهره‌وری و موفقیت در شکست تحریم‌های هردو کشور کمک کند.

https://ipes.razi.ac.ir/article_4160_3ccc28eb43581ea384866cf12144c855.pdf

دانشگاه رازی مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل 2383-3602 8 2 2026 02 20 The US-China Trade War: Causes, Consequences, and the Future of Bilateral Relations جنگ تجاری آمریکا و چین: علل، پیامدها و آینده روابط دوجانبه 85 104 4159 10.22126/ipes.2026.12026.1740 FA یونس کمائی زاده دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین‌الملل، گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد اهواز، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، اهواز، ایران. 0009-0009-3276-7736 جهانبخش مرادی استادیار، گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد ایلام، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، ایلام، ایران. 0000-0003-3762-504X حامد محقق نیا استادیار، گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد اهواز، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، اهواز، ایران. 0000-0002-0079-0984 Journal Article 2025 10 16 The trade war between the United States and China, which began in 2018, has changed the landscape of international relations. The increase in tariffs by both the U.S. and Chinese governments has posed a threat to the stability of international trade and multilateral cooperation. Governments have cited the trade deficit between the U.S. and China as the primary cause of this trade war. In 2025, with the beginning of Donald Trump's second presidential term, it is expected that U.S.-China relations will enter a phase of greater uncertainty and turbulence. This study, while examining the causes of the trade war between the U.S. and China and its impact on the Islamic Republic of Iran, aims to answer the question: What are the effects of the U.S.-China trade war on the global economy and the future of relations between the two countries? The findings suggest that the trade war between the U.S. and China has wide-ranging complexities for the global economy. The increasing geopolitical tensions between the U.S. and China could push the world towards another Cold War, as this forces other countries to choose between the two global economic power blocs. Introduction This study aims to understand the impact of the trade war on U.S.–China relations, the global economy, and the main reasons behind the onset of the trade war between these two countries, using the theory of offensive structural realism. The causes of the trade war between the United States and China are not limited to the trade deficit issue but also include other factors, such as security and technological concerns. The current trade war is more than just an economic conflict; it reflects the geopolitical struggle between two superpowers. This conflict has increasingly moved beyond purely economic tools, incorporating security, technological, and even ideological dimensions. In this research, the theoretical framework is first outlined, followed by an exploration of the concept of trade wars and their history between the United States and China, the evolution of U.S.–China trade relations over time, the role of the World Trade Organization in the U.S.–China trade war, and the impacts of this conflict on both countries and the global economy. Theoretical Framework To explain the strategic competition between the United States and China in the Asia–Pacific region, the theory of structural realism can be applied. This theory, which is divided into two branches—defensive and offensive—offers a structural perspective on great power competition and argues that the structure of the international system compels great powers either to seek security or to engage in continuous competition for the accumulation of power. Viewing the state as the primary actor in international politics, this theory presents a strong realist narrative, asserting that as long as the international system remains anarchic, struggles over power and security will continue. The structure of the system determines state behavior, and the primary basis of such behavior is ensuring survival and the acquisition, preservation, and expansion of power. Accordingly, the prevailing structure undergoes transformation only when the distribution and configuration of power among actors change. Offensive neorealists believe that great powers are constantly seeking opportunities to increase their power relative to their rivals, with the ultimate goal of becoming a hegemonic power. Research Methodology This research adopts a descriptive–analytical method to examine the trade war between China and the United States. Data collection has been conducted through library-based research, drawing on various sources including books, articles, academic journals, and other texts, as well as searches of informational databases and online resources. The methodology employed in this study is qualitative, with an emphasis on analyzing sources and testing the research hypothesis. Discussion and Research Findings The reasons behind the trade war have both political and economic dimensions. A key political factor in the trade war between the two countries is the competition for dominance over the global economy. In recent years, China has experienced rapid growth and has become a major economic power, with its production volume now ranking second globally. The trade war between the United States and China could potentially lead to a significant disruption in trade between the two countries. While the economic damage to the United States primarily results from the loss of consumer welfare due to high tariffs on imports, China’s economy may experience declines in GDP in certain sectors. In the long term, the trade war may lead to the formation of two economic blocs, in which the United States and China dominate distinct spheres of influence. This scenario could result in the economic separation of the United States and China. Over time, if companies shift their production toward one of these blocs, the question will arise as to whether each bloc will be able to maintain sufficient levels of production. The relocation of production to other countries requires careful examination of infrastructure, human capital, regulations, and legal frameworks in those countries. Conclusion The causes of the trade war between the United States and China are not limited to the trade deficit; other factors, including security and technological concerns, are also involved. The United States, as the established power in the international system, seeks to prevent the rise of China’s power. The policy of containing China began during the presidency of Barack Obama and has continued into the second term of Donald Trump. The imposition of tariffs has been linked to the emergence of China as a major power in the international system and the challenge this poses to U.S. interests. This dynamic has led to increased tensions and conflicts in relations between the two countries. Ethical Considerations Not applicable Funding Not applicable Conflict of interest The authors declare no conflict of interest آغاز جنگ تجاری بین ایالات متحده و چین در سال ۲۰۱۸، صحنه روابط بین‌الملل را تغییر داد. افزایش تعرفه‌ها از سوی دولت‌های آمریکایی و چینی تهدیدی برای ثبات تجارت بین‌المللی و همکاری‌های چندجانبه ایجاد کرده است. دولت‌ها کسری تجاری بین ایالات متحده و چین را به‌عنوان علت این جنگ تجاری معرفی کرده‌اند. در سال 2025، با آغاز دوره دوم ریاست جمهوری دونالد ترامپ، انتظار می‌رود که روابط ایالات متحده و چین وارد دوره‌ای از عدم قطعیت و تلاطم بیشتری شود. این پژوهش ضمن بررسی علل جنگ تجاری بین ایالات متحده و چین و تأثیر آن بر جمهوری اسلامی ایران، قصد دارد به این سؤال پاسخ دهد که جنگ تجاری آمریکا و چین چه تأثیراتی بر اقتصاد جهانی و آینده روابط دو کشور دارد؟ یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد، جنگ تجاری بین ایالات متحده و چین پیچیدگی‌های گسترده‌ای برای اقتصاد جهانی دارد. افزایش تنش‌های ژئوپلیتیکی بین ایالات متحده و چین می‌تواند جهان را به سمت جنگ سرد دیگری سوق دهد، زیرا این امر کشورهای دیگر را مجبور به انتخاب بین دو قطب قدرت اقتصادی جهانی می‌کند.

https://ipes.razi.ac.ir/article_4159_fcaac4525d8a9c0d8a9c12a2d689d6f4.pdf

دانشگاه رازی مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل 2383-3602 8 2 2026 02 20 Evaluation of the Dynamic International Economic-Political Benefits of the Formation of the D8 Economic Cooperation Organization (D8) ارزیابی منافع پویای اقتصادی-سیاسی بین‎المللی شکل‎گیری سازمان همکاری اقتصادی دی8 105 128 4153 10.22126/ipes.2026.11628.1720 FA بهروز دینی دانشجوی دکتری گروه روابط بین‎الملل، دانشکده علوم انسانی، واحد اصفهان (خوراسگان)، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، اصفهان، ایران. 0000-0001-6524-3765 رضا شیرزادی استادیار، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، واحد البرز (کرج)، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، کرج، ایران 0000-0002-5887-8217 مهناز گودرزی دانشیار، گروه روابط بین‎الملل، دانشکده علوم انسانی، واحد اصفهان (خوراسگان)، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، اصفهان، ایران. 0000-0003-2697-2492 میرعبداله حسینی دانشیار مؤسسه مطالعات و پژوهش‌های بازرگانی، تهران، ایران. 0009-0004-5521-9226 Journal Article 2025 05 16 Nearly three decades have passed since the formation of the D8 Economic Cooperation Organization. Now the question is, what economic and political benefits has this formation brought to the organization and each member country? In response, the research hypothesis is that the formation of the D8 has brought dynamic economic and political benefits to the organization and each member country in the long term, although the level of dynamic benefits for each member has not been the same. To this end, within the framework of the theory of economic integration and regional convergence, this article has addressed the dynamic economic benefits of the formation of the D8 in terms of national competitiveness, economies of scale, foreign investment flows, and factor mobility in the long term. The research method is a long-term retrospective comparative study of international economic and political variables of the 8 member countries of the D8 from 2000 to 2023. The research results indicate that the D8 has been promoted to a distinguished position at the global level in global competitiveness, economies of scale, and foreign investment flows over the long term. Given the improvement in the global competitiveness of some D8 countries, the group's share of global foreign investment flows has increased from less than 0.5% in the initial period of formation to 3.86% and 6.72% in the last two years of the period. It has also experienced economies of scale between countries, increasing the size of the economy from 2.85% to 4.57% during the period. Not all of these dynamic welfare benefits have been solely due to the formation of the D8, but this formation has not been ineffective in creating these benefits. In addition, not all 8 members have benefited from these benefits to the same extent, so that the highest benefits, in terms of increasing share coupled with accelerated growth, have been those of Indonesia and Bangladesh. In addition, Iran has not benefited from these dynamic benefits, and Iran's share of these dynamic benefits is insignificant; Therefore, the strong recommendation of this study is to seriously pursue a fundamental transformation in global competition, economies of scale, investment, trade, and the mobility of production factors, centered on the Iranian labor market, to promote the country's dynamic economic and welfare benefits. Introduction Today, countries are using new tools to exploit regional, trans-regional, and international resources in order to achieve the desired level of development and national prosperity. Among the major issues facing countries is how to prepare a structure that benefits from global and regional resources. Therefore, the Organization of Economic Cooperation of 8 Developing Muslim Countries, or D8, has also been formed to improve the position of its members in the global economy, transform and create new opportunities in trade relations, increase participation in international decision-making, and improve living standards. Developing cooperation between countries is one of the reasons for the formation of regional blocs, which is also proposed in the agreement of the members of the Group of 8. The goal of this group is to achieve an appropriate and growing share in world trade. Given the differences in the level and depth of regionalism among its members, the D8 has not yet reached the first stages of regionalism - a free trade agreement (a form of tariff preferences). It is important to consider the dynamic economic and political benefits that the formation of this group has brought to the organization and to each of its member states. To this end, this article examines the dynamic economic benefits of the formation of the D8 Economic Cooperation Organization in terms of national competitiveness, economies of scale, foreign investment flows, trade benefits, and factor mobility in the long-term period from 2000 to 2023. Theoretical Framework The perspective of regionalism after the Cold War has expanded significantly from both political and theoretical perspectives among international relations analysts and international political economy researchers. Explaining the reasons for paying attention to regionalism was also one of the main reasons for the formation of the D8 group. Today, the emergence of powerful blocs and their overall increase in importance in the international political economy has created important discussions about the true nature of these blocs and how they affect the international order and shape the framework of the international system. In the theoretical framework of this article, regionalism from the theoretical aspect of international relations is also discussed in the context of regionalism with the aspect of international economics. Economic integration is a type of trade policy that reduces or eliminates discriminatory trade restrictions between members. In a (complete) economic union, member countries use the same monetary and fiscal policies in order to achieve trade growth and full factor mobility in this type of linkage. Because some economists believe that regional blocs accelerate trade liberalization. Others believe that regional blocs slow down multilateral trade liberalization and thus lead to potential conflicts within the trading bloc. A better world could probably be seen in two cases: if trading blocs strive to eliminate external trade restrictions as much as they do within the bloc, and at the same time readily admit new members. Methodology Today, various trading arrangements are operating in the world, and their levels of efficiency vary. The simplest indicator that can be used as a measure of the feasibility of integration between a group of countries is the gross domestic product (economic size) of the countries. When countries are closer together in terms of economic size and per capita income, the possibility of trade between them increases. In fact, countries are closer together in terms of economic size and import more diverse products. Its empirical results are confirmed by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. The methodology of this article is based on a retrospective and long-term comparative study of international political-economic variables of the 8 member countries of the D8 group from 2000 to 2023. In this study, first, the key international economic indicators of the D8 and its member countries are evaluated. Second, the dynamic benefits of regionalism in enhancing the competitiveness of the national economy of the member country on a global and regional scale are analyzed. Third, one of the effects of the successful formation of this union is the encouragement of investments. Fourth, in the D8 group, economies of scale are evident, which arise from the enlargement of markets therein. Fifth, statistical data information on intra-regional and extra-regional trading partners is collected and obtained from the annual report on world trade statistics. International statistical data for this study are collected, processed, analyzed, and evaluated from international institutions, including the World Bank and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD); the annual analysis is limited to the years 2001 to 2023, which, of course, seems sufficient for this article. Results & Discussion The dynamic benefits of economic integration were examined in terms of the possibility of increased competition, economies of scale, investment incentives, and more favorable use of economic resources for the D8 group as a whole and the distribution of benefits by member countries. In line with this research, the possibility of increasing the level of competition, which increases the incentive to use new technology and therefore promotes growth and development. Ultimately, all activities lead to reduced production costs and consumer benefits. With the successful formation of the D8, it is evident that economies of scale arise from the enlargement of markets. So, it is worth remembering that even a small country outside economic integration can overcome the smallness of its domestic market and achieve economies of scale in production by exporting goods to other countries. Another advantage of the successful formation of the D8 is in encouraging investments with the motive of gaining profits from large and competitive markets. Economic integration, despite multiple conditions, is more likely to lead to trade creation and increased prosperity in D8. Conclusions & Suggestions The D8 group has been promoted to a prominent position in global competition, economies of scale and foreign investment flows over the long-term study period, so that many D8 countries have been promoted in global competition, the organization's share of world foreign investment flows has increased from less than 0.5 percent at the beginning of the period to 3.86 and 6.72 percent in the last two years of the period, and also the economies of scale between countries have increased from 2.85 percent to 4.57 percent at the end of the period with the introduction of the size of the economy. Certainly, all these dynamic welfare benefits have not resulted from the formation of the D8, but its formation has not been without influence either. Undoubtedly, the rapid growth and development of D8 members, including Indonesia and Bangladesh, over the long term has been influenced by the development of trade and foreign investment inflows and the stability of the macroeconomic environment (low inflation rate). In addition, not all 8 members have benefited from these benefits to the same extent, with the highest benefits in terms of increased share coupled with accelerated growth coming from Indonesia and Bangladesh. This is in a situation where the aforementioned dynamic welfare effects and benefits for Iran have been insignificant, and therefore the study strongly recommends that serious efforts and fundamental measures be taken to enhance the dynamic economic welfare benefits of D8 members, especially Iran, in the dimensions of global competition, economies of scale, trade benefits, foreign investment, and factor mobility with a focus on the labor market. Ethical Considerations Not applicable Funding Not applicable Conflict of interest The authors declare no conflict of interest نزدیک سه دهه از شکل‎گیری سازمان همکاری اقتصادی گروه دی8 می‎گذرد. هم‎اینک پرسش این است که این شکل‎گیری دارای چه منافع اقتصادی-سیاسی برای سازمان و یکایک کشورهای عضو در پی داشته است؟ در پاسخ، فرضیه پژوهش اینکه شکل‎گیری گروه دی8 منافع پویای اقتصادی-سیاسی برای سازمان و یکایک کشورهای عضو در بلندمدت در پی داشته است، هرچند میزان منافع پویای یکایک اعضا یکسان نبوده است. بدین منظور، در چارچوب نظریه یکپارچگی اقتصادی و همگرایی منطقه‎ای، این مقاله به منافع پویای اقتصادی شکل‎گیری دی8 از جنبه‎های رقابت ملی، صرفه‎های مقیاس، جریان سرمایه‎گذاری‎ خارجی و تحرک عوامل در دوره بلندمدت پرداخته است. روش پژوهش، مطالعه تطبیقی گذشته‎نگر بلندمدت متغیرهای اقتصادی-سیاسی بین‎المللی 8 کشور عضو گروه 8 از 2000 تا 2023 است. نتایج پژوهش گویای آن است که دی8 در رقابت ‎جهانی، صرفه‎های مقیاس و جریان سرمایه‎گذاری‎های خارجی طی دوره بلندمدت به جایگاه ممتازی در سطح جهانی ارتقاء یافته است. با توجه به ارتقای رتبه رقابت جهانی برخی از کشورهای دی8، سهم این گروه از جریان سرمایه‎گذاری خارجی جهان از کمتر از 5/0 درصد در دوره ابتدایی تشکیل به 86/3 درصد و 72/6 درصد در دو سال انتهای دوره ارتقا یافته است. همچنین صرفه‎های مقیاس بین کشوری با معرفی اندازه اقتصاد از 85/2 درصد به 57/4 درصد در طی دوره را تجربه کرده است. تمام این منافع رفاهی پویا صرفاً از شکل‎گیری (دی8) نبوده است و اما این شکل‎گیری در ایجاد این منافع بی‎تأثیر نیز نبوده است. افزون بر این، همه 8 عضو، از این منافع به یک میزان نفع نبرده‎اند، به‎طوری که بالاترین منافع، از جنبه افزایش سهم توأم با رشد شتابان، از آن اندونزی و بنگلادش بوده است. افرون بر این، ایران از این منافع پویا بهره‎مند نبوده و سهم ایران از این منافع پویا ناچیز است؛ بنابراین توصیه اکید این مطالعه، اهتمام جدی برای تحولی بنیادی در رقابت جهانی، صرفه‎های مقیاس، سرمایه‎گذاری‎، تجارت و تحرک عوامل تولید با محوریت بازار کار ایران به‎منظور ارتقای منافع پویای اقتصادی رفاهی کشور است.

https://ipes.razi.ac.ir/article_4153_bb0fe3800c0bb9d106dd81494c1eb00e.pdf

دانشگاه رازی مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل 2383-3602 8 2 2026 02 20 A Comparative Study of the Impact of Foreign Policy on the Economic Development of Iran and Vietnam from 1990 to 2023 مطالعه مقایسه‌ای تأثیر سیاست خارجی بر توسعه اقتصادی ایران و ویتنام از 1990 تا 2023 129 145 4155 10.22126/ipes.2025.12032.1741 FA محمد یونس بهادری دانش‌آموخته کارشناسی ارشد روابط بین‌الملل دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی،دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، تهران، ایران 0009-0000-5447-156x سیدجلال دهقانی فیروزآبادی استاد گروه روابط بین‌الملل دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، تهران، ایران. 0000-0003-1055-531X Journal Article 2025 08 16 Over the past three decades, both Iran and Vietnam have faced similar economic challenges, such as sanctions, political difficulties, and international pressures. However, their responses to these challenges have involved adopting different foreign policies. While Iran has faced severe economic restrictions due to its confrontational policies toward the international order and the United States, Vietnam, by embracing policies aligned with the global order, has been able to capitalize on the benefits of globalization and emerge as one of the region's most successful economies. These differences raise important questions regarding the impact of foreign policy on economic development. Thus, this study seeks to answer the following question: What role has foreign policy played in the economic development of Iran and Vietnam from 1990 to 2023? The research hypothesis posits that foreign policy between 1990 and 2023 has hindered Iran's economic development while accelerating Vietnam's developmental trajectory. The findings of this study indicate that Iran's foreign policy, particularly in the post-revolutionary era and in response to economic sanctions and diplomatic pressures, has had a negative impact on the country's economic development. In contrast, Vietnam, by adopting policies aligned with the international order, has been able to expand its trade relations and effectively leverage the opportunities of globalization, leading to higher economic growth rates. This research employs a causal-comparative analysis method and utilizes a mixed-methods approach to examine the relationships between variables, applying neoliberal theory to investigate the subject. Introduction Over the past three decades, Iran and Vietnam have faced similar economic and political challenges, including sanctions, war, and international pressures. However, the two countries have pursued markedly different foreign policy paths. Iran, particularly after the Islamic Revolution, adopted an ideological-security approach to foreign policy, positioning itself in opposition to the global order. In contrast, Vietnam, following the end of its war with the United States, embraced economic reforms and an engagement-oriented policy, charting its economic development path within the framework of globalization. This raises a fundamental question: What role has foreign policy played in the economic development of Iran and Vietnam from 1990 to 2023? The study’s central hypothesis posits that, during this period, Iran’s foreign policy—particularly in the face of sanctions—acted as a constraining factor on economic development, whereas Vietnam’s foreign policy facilitated and accelerated its economic growth. Theoretical Framework This study employs the theory of neoliberalism in international relations to analyze the role of foreign policy in economic development. Within this framework, interaction, economic cooperation, free trade, the role of international institutions, and interdependence among nations are considered instrumental in achieving economic growth and reducing international tensions. Unlike realist approaches, neoliberalism emphasizes state interactions through supranational institutions and soft power. Specifically, in foreign policy, this theory prioritizes economic diplomacy, foreign direct investment, and integration into the mechanisms of the global order. This analytical framework helps explain Vietnam’s developmental trajectory as well as Iran’s structural challenges. Methodology This study adopts a qualitative-comparative methodology with a causal-comparative approach. Data were collected through document analysis, policy papers, and official domestic and international statistics, with a focus on examining historical and structural trends in the foreign policy and economic development of both countries. The research also draws on reliable sources such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, as well as reputable domestic and international academic references. By comparing the foreign policies of both countries during the same period (1990–2023), the study establishes a framework for causal analysis of their performance differences. Results and Discussion The research findings demonstrate that Vietnam's foreign policy, particularly following the economic reforms of “Đổi Mới” in the 1980s and continuing from 1990 onward, has been explicitly oriented toward economic development. By joining ASEAN, the World Trade Organization, and various free trade agreements, as well as attracting foreign direct investment, Vietnam transformed over three decades from a poor agricultural economy into one of Asia's emerging economies. In contrast, Iran, despite post-war reconstruction efforts and attempts at economic engagement after the Iran–Iraq War, faced significant obstacles due to the confrontational nature of its foreign policy, particularly regarding nuclear and regional policies. This approach resulted in extensive sanctions and economic restrictions, creating a major impediment to the country's economic development. Conclusions and Suggestions The comparison of the two countries’ foreign policies demonstrates that Vietnam’s interactive and globally aligned approach facilitated its integration into globalization and fostered economic growth. In contrast, Iran’s foreign policy, centered on ideology and resistance to the international order, led to diminished economic opportunities, restricted banking and trade relations, and ultimately hindered economic development. Despite some domestic achievements, such as advancements in the petrochemical and nuclear industries, the negative impact of sanctions, unstable foreign relations, and limited participation in international institutions has acted as a barrier to Iran’s economic progress. This study emphasizes that a shift in Iran’s foreign policy toward economic diplomacy and multilateral cooperation is essential for achieving future developmental goals. Ultimately, while domestic conditions, political history, and governance structures differ between the two nations, foreign policy plays a decisive role in either advancing or undermining economic development. Ethical Considerations Not applicable Funding Not applicable Conflict of interest The authors declare no conflict of interest ایران و ویتنام هر دو در طول سه دهه اخیر با چالش‌های اقتصادی مشابهی نظیر تحریم‌ها، مشکلات سیاسی و فشارهای بین‌المللی مواجه بوده‌اند، اما در واکنش به این چالش‌ها، سیاست‌های خارجی متفاوتی را در پیش گرفته‌اند. در حالی که ایران به دلیل سیاست‌های مقابله‌ای با نظام بین‌الملل و ایالات متحده با محدودیت‌های اقتصادی جدی روبه‌رو بوده، ویتنام با اتخاذ سیاست‌های همسازی با نظم جهانی توانسته است از مزایای جهانی‌شدن بهره‌برداری کند و به یکی از اقتصادهای موفق منطقه‌ای تبدیل شود. این تفاوت‌ها سؤالات مهمی درزمینه تأثیر سیاست خارجی بر توسعه اقتصادی ایجاد کرده است؛ و لذا پژوهش به دنبال پاسخگویی به این پرسش بوده است که سیاست خارجی چه نقشی در توسعه اقتصادی ایران و ویتنام از 1990 تا 2023 داشته است؟ فرضیه پژوهش گویای آن است که سیاست خارجی در دوران 1990 تا 2023 در روند توسعه اقتصادی ایران اختلال ایجاد کرده در حالی در ویتنام موجب افزایش نرخ توسعه شده است. نتایج این پژوهش نشان‌دهنده آن است که سیاست خارجی ایران به‌ویژه در دوران پس از انقلاب و در پاسخ به تحریم‌های اقتصادی و فشارهای دیپلماتیک، تأثیر منفی بر روند توسعه اقتصادی کشور گذاشته است. در مقابل، ویتنام با پذیرش سیاست‌های همساز با نظام بین‌الملل، توانسته است روابط تجاری خود را گسترش دهد و به‌طور مؤثری از فرصت‌های جهانی‌شدن بهره‌برداری کند که این امر منجر به افزایش نرخ رشد اقتصادی در این کشور شده است. این تحقیق از روش تحلیل علی-مقایسه‌ای و همچنین برای بررسی روابط بین متغیرها، از روش تحقیق ترکیبی (Mixed Methods) بهره گرفته است و با کاربست نظریه نئولیبرالیسم، به بررسی موضوع پرداخته است.

https://ipes.razi.ac.ir/article_4155_8343a0a7c6628ec62ebd0f11052d78d8.pdf

دانشگاه رازی مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل 2383-3602 8 2 2026 02 20 The Role of Western Sanctions in Strengthening Economic Relations between Iran and Russia and Their Orienting to the East نقش تحریم‌های غرب در تقویت روابط اقتصادی ایران و روسیه و گرایش آن‎ها به شرق 147 167 3998 10.22126/ipes.2025.11998.1737 FA حمید رمضانپور دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین‌الملل، گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکده علوم سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد علوم و تحقیقات، تهران، ایران. مجید توسلی رکن آبادی استاد علوم سیاسی، گروه علمی علوم سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکده علوم سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد علوم و تحقیقات، تهران، ایران. کیهان برزگر استاد روابط بین‌الملل، گروه علمی علوم سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکده علوم سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد علوم و تحقیقات، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 08 08 This study examines the impact of Western economic sanctions against Iran and Russia and their role in strengthening the two countries’ orientation towards the East. The main question is how and in what areas these sanctions have increased economic and political cooperation between Tehran and Moscow and led them to engage more with China, the Eurasian Economic Union, and other non-Western regional institutions. The research hypothesis states that Western sanctions have pushed Iran and Russia towards a common economic and political strategy to deal with the challenges posed by external pressures and have strengthened their relations in areas such as energy, trade, technology, and regional cooperation with the East. The theoretical framework of the study is based on the theory of sanctions regime in international political economy relations, which explains how economic pressures can create unintended consequences such as the formation of coalitions and strategic convergence. The research method is mixed (qualitative-quantitative); In the qualitative part, content analysis of documents, official reports, and scientific sources was used, and in the quantitative part, statistical data on trade and investment between the two countries were used to measure changes after the imposition of sanctions. The findings show that although the sanctions have created serious economic restrictions, they have also provided a platform for increasing strategic cooperation and diversifying relations with the East. Introduction The imposition of extensive Western sanctions against Iran and Russia has triggered a profound reconfiguration of their foreign economic strategies, pushing both countries to adopt a more pronounced eastward orientation. This study examines how sanctions—originally intended to isolate these states and diminish their geopolitical influence—have instead stimulated closer bilateral cooperation between Tehran and Moscow and accelerated their engagement with non-Western regional organizations, particularly China, the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), and other multilateral frameworks in Asia. The central research question guiding this inquiry is how Western sanctions have shaped Iran–Russia relations in concrete economic, political, and technological domains, and to what extent these pressures have fostered strategic convergence around the idea of “Looking East.” The hypothesis underpinning this study argues that sanctions, while undeniably constraining economic growth and access to global financial markets, simultaneously create unintended consequences that favor coalition-building and policy alignment among targeted states. By obstructing access to Western technology, energy markets, and banking systems, sanctions effectively drive sanctioned states to seek alternative partners, develop indigenous capabilities, and explore innovative trade mechanisms. For Iran and Russia, this dynamic has translated into expanding joint ventures in the energy sector, enhancing trade through non-dollar payment systems, cooperating in high-tech domains, and advancing regional connectivity projects such as the International North–South Transport Corridor (INSTC). Theoretical Framework The theoretical framework is grounded in the literature on sanctions regimes within the field of international political economy. This approach emphasizes the paradoxical effects of sanctions, demonstrating how coercive economic measures can unintentionally stimulate the very alliances and strategic realignments they are meant to prevent. Specifically, the sanctions regime imposed by the United States and its European allies against Iran (in response to its nuclear program) and Russia (following the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the invasion of Ukraine in 2022) has created overlapping areas of vulnerability. These shared vulnerabilities have become the basis for strengthening bilateral trust and cooperation. By analyzing this process, the research contributes to the broader debate on the efficacy of sanctions as instruments of foreign policy. Research Methodology Methodologically, the study employs a mixed-methods design. The qualitative dimension is based on content analysis of primary sources, including official government reports, joint declarations, and policy statements, as well as secondary sources such as academic literature and policy analyses. This is complemented by a quantitative dimension that utilizes statistical data on trade flows, investment trends, and technological cooperation between Iran and Russia before and after the imposition of intensified sanctions. Triangulating these sources allows for a more nuanced understanding of the extent to which sanctions have reconfigured bilateral relations and prompted eastward alignment. Findings and Results The findings indicate several important patterns. First, sanctions have accelerated the institutionalization of Iran–Russia economic ties. Trade between the two countries has increased significantly since 2014, with agricultural products, machinery, and petrochemicals emerging as key areas of exchange. Russia’s role as both a supplier of essential commodities and a partner in infrastructure development has grown markedly. Second, energy cooperation has expanded, as evidenced by joint exploration projects, oil swap agreements, and Russian investments in Iranian energy infrastructure. Given that both countries are major energy exporters, their cooperation represents a strategic hedge against exclusion from Western-dominated energy markets. Third, financial and technological collaboration has intensified. Both states have sought to bypass Western-dominated payment systems such as SWIFT by experimenting with national currencies, bartering, and digital payment platforms. Additionally, they have embarked on collaborative ventures in sectors such as nuclear energy, satellite technology, and cybersecurity—fields in which they seek to reduce dependence on Western providers. A further dimension of the research highlights the geopolitical ramifications of sanctions-induced cooperation. Both Iran and Russia have become increasingly active in regional organizations that provide platforms for non-Western cooperation. Iran’s accession to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and its deepening involvement in the EAEU are clear indicators of this trend. Russia, facing prolonged isolation from Europe, has simultaneously pivoted to Asia, strengthening ties with China and Central Asian states. Iran has aligned with this trajectory, promoting regional connectivity initiatives that enhance trade routes linking the Persian Gulf, Central Asia, and Russia. In this sense, sanctions have not only fostered bilateral cooperation but also accelerated the construction of a broader Eurasian economic and political space that seeks to counterbalance Western hegemony. Nevertheless, the study also acknowledges the limitations and risks inherent in this eastward turn. Despite increasing cooperation, Iran and Russia face structural asymmetries in their relationship. Russia, with its larger economy and greater access to global markets through its partnership with China, enjoys more bargaining power, while Iran continues to grapple with deeper isolation due to the severity of U.S. sanctions. Moreover, overreliance on China as an alternative economic partner risks creating new dependencies that could constrain Iran’s and Russia’s long-term strategic autonomy. In addition, the practical implementation of eastward strategies is hindered by logistical, financial, and infrastructural challenges, including underdeveloped transport corridors and limited institutional capacity to sustain high levels of trade. From a broader theoretical perspective, the research underscores the paradox of sanctions as a policy tool. While intended to weaken adversarial states by restricting access to resources and markets, sanctions often catalyze processes of adaptation and innovation. They incentivize sanctioned countries to diversify their partnerships, promote self-reliance, and forge strategic alignments that erode the dominance of Western-led economic structures. For Iran and Russia, the shared experience of exclusion has fostered a pragmatic partnership that transcends mere economic cooperation and encompasses strategic, political, and cultural dimensions. Both governments increasingly frame their cooperation in civilizational and ideological terms, presenting themselves as defenders of a multipolar world order against what they perceive as Western unilateralism. Conclusion In conclusion, the study demonstrates that Western sanctions have functioned as both a constraint and a catalyst for Iran–Russia relations. While they undeniably impose heavy economic burdens, sanctions have also deepened bilateral cooperation, encouraged diversification toward Eastern partners, and accelerated the construction of a Eurasian alternative to Western-centric globalization. The Iran–Russia case thus provides an illustrative example of the unintended consequences of coercive economic policies. The evidence suggests that sanctions, rather than achieving their intended goal of isolation, may contribute to the emergence of new regional blocs and strategic alignments that reshape the global balance of power. Ethical Considerations Not applicable Funding Not applicable Conflict of interest The authors declare no conflict of interest این پژوهش به بررسی تأثیر تحریم‌های اقتصادی غرب علیه ایران و روسیه و نقش آن‌ها در تقویت گرایش دو کشور به شرق می‌پردازد. پرسش اصلی این است که این تحریم‌ها چگونه و در چه حوزه‌هایی باعث افزایش همکاری‌های اقتصادی و سیاسی تهران و مسکو شده و آن‌ها را به سمت تعامل بیشتر با چین، اتحادیه اقتصادی اوراسیا و دیگر نهادهای منطقه‌ای غیر غربی سوق داده است. فرضیه پژوهش بیان می‌کند که تحریم‌های غرب، ایران و روسیه را به‌سوی یک استراتژی اقتصادی و سیاسی مشترک برای مقابله با چالش‌های ناشی از فشارهای خارجی سوق داده و روابط آن‌ها را در حوزه‌هایی مانند انرژی، تجارت، فناوری و همکاری‌های منطقه‌ای با شرق تقویت کرده است. چارچوب نظری تحقیق بر نظریه رژیم تحریم‌ها در روابط اقتصاد سیاسی بین‌الملل استوار است که توضیح می‌دهد چگونه فشارهای اقتصادی می‌توانند پیامدهای ناخواسته‌ای همچون شکل‌گیری ائتلاف‌ها و همگرایی راهبردی ایجاد کنند. روش پژوهش ترکیبی (کیفی–کمی) است؛ در بخش کیفی از تحلیل محتوای اسناد، گزارش‌های رسمی و منابع علمی استفاده شده و در بخش کمی از داده‌های آماری تجارت و سرمایه‌گذاری بین دو کشور برای سنجش تغییرات پس از اعمال تحریم‌ها بهره گرفته شده است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که هرچند تحریم‌ها محدودیت‌های جدی اقتصادی ایجاد کرده‌اند، اما هم‌زمان بستر افزایش همکاری‌های راهبردی و تنوع‌بخشی به روابط با شرق را فراهم کرده‌اند.

https://ipes.razi.ac.ir/article_3998_88268008c47d2808384075585a22b249.pdf

دانشگاه رازی مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل 2383-3602 8 2 2026 02 20 The Optimal Model of Iran-China Interactions with an Emphasis on China's Political Structure الگوی بهینه تعاملات ایران و چین با تأکید بر ساختار سیاسی چین 169 186 3964 10.22126/ipes.2025.11407.1714 FA مجتبی عبد خدایی دانشیار گروه روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران. 0000-0002-6791-3387 مجید عباسی دانشیار گروه روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران. 0000-0003-3729-5861 محمدعلی رحیمی نژاد دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2025 08 19 China's rapid economic progress in the current century has been recognized as one of the most significant global developments. The role of policy and economic policymaking in China was crucial for understanding the drivers of this progress. The main question of this study was how optimal economic relations between Iran and China can be formed, considering China's political structure and economic policies. The hypothesis of this paper emphasizes the necessity of involving Iran's governmental institutions in economic interactions with China to establish optimal relations. The findings highlighted the centralized, stable, and long-term vision of Chinese state-owned enterprises, alongside the elite-driven decision-making approach of the ruling party. Consequently, the involvement of centralized, stable, and long-term-oriented governmental institutions was proposed as a strategy for fostering optimal interactions between the two countries. In addition to the individual authority of party members based on their rank, the Central Committee of China, as the country's intellectual and elite institution, and the permanent members of the Politburo play the most significant roles in Iran-China interactions. The core idea of economic engagement with China lies in the alignment and similarity of the behavior of Iranian economic institutions, which, if realized, could leverage the "hunter" game model in bilateral interactions. Introduction The establishment of peaceful and stable relations between countries has been a critical concern for political elites since the concept of the state emerged. In recent years, particularly after the world wars and the rise of new values and norms, the importance of peace and security has intensified, with economic goals serving as a primary driver for addressing domestic challenges. For Iran, especially following the U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA, relations with neighboring and Eastern countries have gained heightened significance in foreign policy. Even with a new U.S. administration, the return to JCPOA-era dynamics remains uncertain. Iran has pursued a "Look East" policy, exemplified by membership in the Eurasian Union and the 25-year cooperation agreement with China. The recent unveiling of this agreement underscores the need to understand interactions with China, identifying opportunities and challenges. Both Iran and China are among the few nations pursuing independent policies free from U.S. interference, manifesting in political and economic dimensions, prompting U.S. policy revisions such as severe sanctions on Iran and economic warfare against China. This article first reviews the research background on Iran-China relations and the impact of China's political structure. It then describes the research method and theoretical framework based on game theory and the "hunter" model. Subsequently, it analyzes China's political structure and power distribution, examining key institutions like the Central Committee, Politburo, and General Secretary of the Communist Party. The next section discusses the involvement of Iranian governmental companies in interactions with China, presenting findings emphasizing the role of Chinese state-owned enterprises and the need for long-term-oriented Iranian institutions. Finally, conclusions and recommendations focus on the optimal model for Iran-China economic and political interactions using the "hunter" game model. Theoretical Framework To analyze Iran-China relations and optimize interactions, examining perspectives from other countries, particularly the U.S. as a key international actor, is essential. In July 2010, a U.S. military-affiliated think tank held a roundtable on China-Iran relations, concluding that agreements remain superficial with limited intent for deepening. However, the authors argue Iran can emulate China's successful global trade experiences to foster deeper, sustainable cooperation. The "hunter game" model from game theory is employed to explain optimal economic relations. In this model, two hunters (Iran and China) face choices: hunting a rabbit alone for minimal gain or collaborating to hunt a deer for greater profit. Applied here, strategic cooperation focusing on long-term interests against U.S. influence yields substantial benefits. The model has three key principles: no dominant strategy (neither party maximizes profit alone); mutual awareness of collaboration benefits; and shared will for larger goals (deer hunting). Illustrated in Figure 1, it shows Nash equilibria where unilateral changes are undesirable. Current relations resemble short-term focus (rabbit hunting), leading to limited cooperation. Rules for application include: no dominant strategy amid declining U.S. liberal hegemony and China's need for global expansion; awareness of cooperation in security, energy, and transit; and final will driven by Iran's sanction mitigation needs and China's centennial goals. Geopolitically, Iran's energy transit role is strategic for China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), though relations remain asymmetric due to Iran's economic isolation. Research Method This study employs a library-based method with descriptive-analytical techniques, drawing on library resources and reputable think tank materials to examine China's political structure, power distribution, and the optimal Iran-China relations model through game theory. Discussion and Findings China's domestic politics feature an efficient authoritarian structure driving progress, exemplifying high-growth non-democratic governance. Unlike a malign dictatorship, it involves elite power distribution. Factors like admitting past errors, clear economic goals, shifting from class conflict to socialist modernization, and delegating to industrial entrepreneurs have ensured political stability and economic advancement. China uses economic progress for control while increasing authority amid protests. Joseph Nye notes China's lack of civil society, but compensation via a strong private sector. This "authoritarian modernization or state capitalism" model is globally accepted, with critics and supporters agreeing on top-down command, non-democratic policies, controlled management, and gradual reforms. Key institutions include: the Communist Party of China (CPC) with 89 million members overseeing land, jobs, and factories; other parties accepting CPC leadership. Leadership is diverse in ideology and preferences, emphasizing flexibility for internal and international adaptation (e.g., the 2017 constitutional change for Xi Jinping's extended term). Organizational patterns post-1978 include gradual reforms, equal rights, single-party rule with collective decisions, centralized government, entrepreneurial state over bureaucracy, tech surveillance, private enterprise growth, religious suppression, limited military role, and controlled open-door policy. Power distribution: General Secretary (e.g., Xi Jinping) heads the party and military commission, with non-explicit duties but international significance; decisions align with institutionalized processes. The Central Committee (State Council) is the top executive, with the Politburo Standing Committee as the most powerful decision-maker. The Politburo handles constitutional amendments. Secretariat coordinates Politburo sessions. The Central Military Commission directs the armed forces. The Discipline Inspection Commission oversees regulations. The Central Committee (205 members) provides policy studies and consultations. The National People's Congress, the highest authority, elects representatives indirectly and supervises institutions. Overall, China's structure balances internal equilibrium through elite circulation, rapid adaptation to challenges, and anti-corruption measures. Discussion on Entry of Governmental Companies into Interactions with China: Six analytical perspectives on Chinese politics aid economic-political channels: cultural political legitimacy, elite politics and power struggles, civil society and bottom-up change, bureaucratic bargaining, organizational learning, and integrated political-economic analysis. A combination is recommended for better relations, focusing on integrated analysis, learning, bargaining, elite recognition, and cultural legitimacy for the short-term, and civil society for the long-term. Findings-Entry of Governmental Companies as a Solution: China's economic transformation began in 1977 with Deng Xiaoping's policy emphasis, leading to free trade zones and foreign investment. Pre-1978, it was centrally planned; reforms (1978-1984) increased enterprise autonomy; 1984-1992 separated management from state ownership; 1992-2002 adopted modern corporate systems; 2003-2012 improved state asset management; post-2012 focused on broad reforms and anti-corruption. Currently, 500,000 foreign firms operate, contributing 45% to foreign trade and 55 million jobs. Key results: State-owned enterprises (SOEs) grew from 27 in 2000 to 102 in 2017; assets increased 11-fold (1997-2016); sales increased from $6,813.20 billion (1998) to $47,439.16 billion (2016). Government support is protective, with SOEs stabilizing during crises via employment and services. Budgets are soft, performance-based; financing via markets, stocks, government, and banks; average 40% state ownership. China's SOE support, managerial stability, and long-term vision differentiate its interactions. The optimal Iran-China model involves Iranian governance-linked (not government) companies for stability, avoiding short-term governmental shifts. Legal support, stable management, and long-term trade views are key. Global SOE success (e.g., Huawei's resilience) and Malaysia's development via Chinese investment exemplify this. Recent agreements reveal barriers like unaddressed Chinese defaults, unmanaged long-term contracts, and excluded non-governmental institutions due to governmental interests. Long-term planning is needed beyond 4-8-year governments. Conclusion This research examines the optimal Iran-China interaction model, emphasizing China's political structure. Key lines include analyzing China's centralized, stable system; SOEs' role in economic progress; and Iran's need for behavioral alignment for optimal interactions. The main question addresses forming optimal economic relations considering China's structure; the hypothesis stresses the entry of Iran's centralized, stable, long-term governmental institutions. Theoretical Findings: Using the "hunter game," strategic cooperation benefits both against U.S. hegemony, emphasizing mutual awareness, no dominant strategy, and shared will. China's authoritarian system with elite distribution, flexibility, and decision dynamism fosters stability and growth; the Central Committee and Politburo are vital for Iran relations. Empirical Findings: Chinese SOEs, with government support and long-term views, drove growth (sales/assets surges). Iran needs stable non-governmental institutions to counter managerial changes and short-termism. Barriers include unaddressed disputes and excluded institutions. Overall, China's flexible, pragmatic, elite-consensus system enables long-term planning; success stems from liberal global interactions, not pure authoritarianism. For Iran, similar models with stable institutions and hidden diplomacy under sanctions can strengthen ties, reducing U.S. effects. Recommendation: Use the "hunter" model, enhance governance-linked companies with legal support and stability for optimal economic-political interactions. Suggestions: The "hunter" model is initial; align Iranian institutions with China's preferences via SOE-like stability and long-term contracts, avoiding governmental short-termism for optimal relations. Ethical Considerations Not applicable Funding Not applicable Conflict of interest The authors declare no conflict of interest پیشرفت سریع اقتصادی چین در قرن حاضر به‌عنوان یکی از مهم‌ترین تحولات مورد توجه جهانیان قرار گرفته است. نقش سیاست و اصولاً سیاست‌گذاری اقتصادی چین جهت نیل به اهداف اقتصادی در فهم چگونگی این پیشرفت دارای اهمیت است. چگونگی شکل‌گیری روابط بهینه اقتصادی ایران و چین با توجه به ساختار سیاسی و سیاست‌های اقتصادی این کشور، سؤال اصلی این پژوهش است. فرضیه این نوشتار ضرورت ورود نهادهای حاکمیتی ایران به تعاملات اقتصادی با چین جهت شکل‌گیری روابط بهینه با این کشور است. نتایج این پژوهش بیانگر ساختار متمرکز، باثبات و نگاه بلندمدت شرکت‌های دولتی چین از یکسو و در پیش گرفتن نگاه نخبگانی در تصمیمات حزب حاکم از سوی دیگر است. از همین رو ورود نهادهای حاکمیتی متمرکز، باثبات و دارای نگاه بلندمدت برای شکل‌گیری تعاملات بهینه میان دو کشور به‌عنوان راهکار این نوشتار ارائه گردیده است. علاوه بر قدرت فردی اعضای حزب متناسب با مقام خود، کمیته مرکزی چین به‌عنوان نهاد مطالعاتی و نخبگانی چین و اعضای دائمی کمیته پولیتبورو مهم‎ترین نقش را در تعاملات ایران و چین برخوردار هستند. درواقع ایده مرکزی تعامل اقتصادی با چین همسانی و دارا بودن از رفتار مشابه نهادهای اقتصادی ایران است که در صورت تحقق می‌توان از مدل بازی «شکارچی» در تعاملات دو طرف بهره برد.

https://ipes.razi.ac.ir/article_3964_2de1d7a59254a2e95cb250349e29380b.pdf

دانشگاه رازی مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل 2383-3602 8 2 2026 02 20 Structural Challenges to the Development of Iran's Digital Economy چالش‌های ساختاری توسعه اقتصاد دیجیتال ایران 187 208 4131 10.22126/ipes.2026.12171.1747 FA حسین پوراحمدی میبدی استاد اقتصاد سیاسی بین‌الملل، گروه سیاست جهانی و منطقه‌ای، دانشکدۀ اقتصاد و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران. 0009-0005-9133-9505 علیرضا رحمتی دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد اقتصاد سیاسی بین‌الملل، دانشکدۀ اقتصاد و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران 0009-0003-6884-2917 Journal Article 2025 05 23 The digital economy, as one of the primary drivers of economic transformation, provides unique capacities for enhancing productivity, reducing transaction costs, creating added value, and reshaping market structures. Meanwhile, developing countries, particularly Iran, despite possessing human, technological, and demographic advantages, face multiple and complex obstacles in optimizing these capacities. The present study, drawing upon the theoretical framework of Neoliberal International Political Economy(IPE) and employing a quantitative method with a descriptive-analytical approach, comprehensively examines the structural, institutional, and policy challenges affecting the development of Iran's digital economy. Research findings indicate that the persistence of state-centric interventions, monopolistic structures, non-transparent policymaking, the absence of independent regulatory institutions, and international sanctions are the most significant deterrents to realizing fundamental neoliberal components, such as genuine privatization, deregulation, attracting foreign capital, and integration into global economic chains. The findings suggest that Iran's digital ecosystem, rather than following a targeted, policy-driven transformation model, has primarily experienced episodic growth in reaction to external crises and emergency conditions, including sanctions, the COVID-19 crisis, and inflationary pressures. Weaknesses in communication infrastructure, disruptions in data governance, limited access to emerging technologies, and an uncertain investment climate have led to reduced competitiveness of the digital ecosystem and human capital flight. In such a context, the private sector, owing to its structural dependency on state and quasi-state institutions, has also failed to play an effective role in the sustainable development of this domain. Accordingly, the research concludes that sustainable transformation in Iran's digital economy necessitates redefining the role of the state, reducing institutional stewardship, ensuring regulatory transparency, and strengthening and expanding international cooperation. Only through the acceptance of market economy logic and the implementation of neoliberal principles within an indigenized framework can Iran's digital economy be expected to move towards global competitiveness and inclusive growth. Introduction The digital economy, as one of the primary drivers of contemporary economic transformations, provides unique capacities for enhancing productivity, reducing transaction costs, and creating added value. In this context, Iran, despite possessing considerable potential-such as a young population, a high ranking in technical and engineering graduates, and high mobile penetration-faces multiple and complex obstacles in optimizing these capacities. Structural barriers, inefficient policymaking, extensive state interventions, international sanctions, and restrictive regulatory policies have severely slowed the development of this sector. This research addresses the main question: Given the high importance of the digital economy in enhancing GDP, why has Iran's digital economy failed to achieve success commensurate with its potential? The research hypothesis posits that a combination of extensive state interventions, inefficient regulatory policies, infrastructural limitations, and sanctions has been the most significant barrier. Furthermore, existing progress has not been based on targeted planning but has occurred mainly in reaction to emergency conditions, such as the COVID-19 crisis, sanctions, and inflationary pressures. Theoretical Framework The present study is grounded in the theoretical framework of Neoliberal International Political Economy(IPE). This theory, rooted in the principles of economic liberalism, emphasizes the free market, reduced state intervention, privatization, and deregulation. It posits that minimizing the state's role and strengthening competition leads to optimal resource allocation, increased productivity, and sustainable growth. This framework provides an analytical tool to assess the impact of economic policies on digital economy development. In this research, the theory is used to causally analyze the relationship between the state-centric structure of Iran's economy and the inefficiencies of its digital ecosystem. In other words, the paper analyzes how the absence of fundamental neoliberal components(such as genuine privatization, deregulation, attracting foreign capital, and integration into the global economy) has hindered the realization of Iran's digital economy potential. Research Methodology This study employs a quantitative method integrated with a descriptive-analytical approach. Data were collected through library resources, official domestic and international reports, and policy analyses. Data analysis was conducted through theoretical deduction, structural explanation, and examination of the correlation between key variables(including state interventions, sanctions, infrastructure quality, and private sector performance). It is noteworthy that the quantitative method herein is not solely focused on statistical calculations; rather, by focusing on causal analysis and data-driven interpretation, it serves to precisely explain the institutional, legal, and policy processes affecting digital economy development. Discussion and Findings The research findings indicate that the development of Iran's digital economy faces deep structural, institutional, and policy barriers that are in direct conflict with the principles of the neoliberal theoretical framework. State Intervention and Private Sector Weakness: The most significant barrier is the persistence of state-centric interventions, monopolistic structures, non-transparent policymaking, and the absence of independent regulatory institutions. Contrary to the neoliberal model, a genuine and competitive private sector has not formed in Iran. The existing private sector, due to its structural dependency on state and quasi-state institutions and the monopolistic advantages enjoyed by quasi-state companies, has failed to play an effective role in sustainable development. 4.1 Infrastructural Challenges and the Internet Findings confirm severe weakness in the communication infrastructure. Iran ranks 102nd in the ICT infrastructure index and holds a critical position of 211th out of 237 countries in average internet speed. This weakness, combined with extensive filtering policies-which contradict the principle of free data flow in the neoliberal model-has resulted in massive losses(estimated at $1.5 billion ) and has harmed 95% of online businesses. 4.2 Sanctions and Policy Instability International sanctions, by blocking the exchange of technology, knowledge, and foreign capital, have been a primary obstacle to Iran's integration into global economic chains. Domestically, an uncertain investment climate, resulting from complex and variable regulations, policy instability, and a lack of legal transparency, has sharply increased the risks of economic activity. 4.3 Reactive Growth and Capital Flight The findings support the research hypothesis: Iran's digital ecosystem, rather than following a targeted, policy-driven transformation model, has primarily experienced episodic and emergency-driven growth in reaction to external crises(such as sanctions, the COVID-19 crisis, and inflationary pressures). This situation, alongside other barriers, has led to reduced ecosystem competitiveness and intensified human capital flight. Conclusion The research concludes that the current development path of Iran's digital economy is in clear conflict with the fundamental principles of the neoliberal approach(including privatization, free competition, deregulation, and global integration). The primary barriers identified include extensive state intervention and monopolistic structures, an uncertain investment climate, and an effective disconnection from global chains due to sanctions. Accordingly, sustainable transformation in Iran's digital ecosystem necessitates a redefinition of the state's role, a reduction in institutional stewardship(tasaddigari), regulatory transparency, the strengthening of communication and technological infrastructure, and, finally, the expansion of targeted international engagement. This study emphasizes that only through the acceptance of market economy logic and the implementation of neoliberal principles within an indigenized framework can Iran's digital economy be expected to move onto a path of global competitiveness and inclusive growth. Ethical Considerations Not applicable Funding Not applicable Conflict of interest The authors declare no conflict of interest اقتصاد دیجیتال، به‌عنوان یکی از پیشران‌های اصلی تحولات اقتصادی، ظرفیت‌های منحصربه‌فردی برای ارتقای بهره‌وری، کاهش هزینه‌های مبادله، خلق ارزش‌افزوده و بازآفرینی ساختار بازارها فراهم ساخته‌است. در این میان، کشورهای درحال توسعه، به‌ویژه ایران، باوجود برخورداری از مزیت‌های انسانی، فنّاورانه و جمعیتی، در بهره‌گیری بهینه از این ظرفیت‌ها با موانع متعدد و پیچیده‌ای مواجه‌اند. پژوهش حاضر با تکیه‌بر چارچوب نظری اقتصاد سیاسی بین‌الملل نئولیبرال و بهره‌گیری از روش کمّی و رویکرد توصیفی ـ تحلیلی، به بررسی جامع چالش‌های ساختاری، نهادی و سیاستی مؤثر بر توسعه اقتصاد دیجیتال ایران می‌پردازد. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که تداوم مداخلات دولت‌محور، ساختارهای انحصاری، سیاست‌گذاری‌های غیرشفاف، نبود نهادهای مستقل تنظیم‌گر و تحریم‌های بین‌المللی، مهم‌ترین عوامل بازدارنده در تحقق مؤلفه‌های بنیادین نئولیبرالیسم، نظیر خصوصی‌سازی واقعی، مقررات‌زدایی، جذب سرمایه خارجی و ادغام در زنجیره‌های اقتصاد جهانی به شمار می‌روند. یافته‌های پژوهش حاکی از آن است که زیست‌بوم دیجیتال ایران به‌جای پیروی از الگوی تحول هدفمند و سیاست‌محور، عمدتاً در واکنش به بحران‌های بیرونی و شرایط اضطراری، ازجمله تحریم‌ها، بحران کرونا و فشارهای تورمی، رشد مقطعی را تجربه کرده است. ضعف در زیرساخت‌های ارتباطی، اختلال در حکمرانی داده، محدودیت در دسترسی به فناوری‌های نوظهور و فضای نامطمئن سرمایه‌گذاری، موجب کاهش رقابت‌پذیری اکوسیستم دیجیتال و فرار سرمایه انسانی شده‌اند. در چنین بستری، بخش خصوصی نیز به‌دلیل وابستگی ساختاری به نهادهای دولتی و شبه‌دولتی، از ایفای نقش اثربخش در توسعه پایدار این حوزه باز مانده‌است. بر‌این‌اساس، پژوهش نتیجه می‌گیرد که تحول پایدار در اقتصاد دیجیتال ایران مستلزم بازتعریف نقش دولت، کاهش تصدی‌گری نهادی، شفاف‌سازی مقررات، تقویت و گسترش همکاری‌های بین‌المللی است. تنها از رهگذر پذیرش منطق اقتصاد بازار و پیاده‌سازی اصول نئولیبرالی در بستری بومی‌سازی‌شده، می‌توان امید داشت که اقتصاد دیجیتال ایران در مسیر رقابت‌پذیری جهانی و رشد فراگیر قرار گیرد.

https://ipes.razi.ac.ir/article_4131_44cb403e55db80ba3606f55fdd932139.pdf

دانشگاه رازی مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل 2383-3602 8 2 2026 02 20 Women’s Experience of Urban Public Spaces: A Case Study of Kermanshah City تجربه زنان از فضاهای عمومی شهری: مطالعه موردی شهر کرمانشاه 209 225 3966 10.22126/ipes.2025.10840.1675 FA همایون مرادخانی استادیار گروه جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه، ایران. سمیه کرمی کارشناسی ارشد جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه رازی، ایران 0009-0003-4582-6674 محمدتقی سبزه ای استادیار گروه علوم اجتماعی، دانشکده علوم اقتصادی و اجتماعی، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران 0000-0001-9635-7909 Journal Article 2025 07 09 With the idea that the experience of the city is like a dream that must be followed in waking life, the wanderer inevitably examines the corners and secrets of the city that are outside the usual field of vision. This brings more complexity to women's experience of wandering; Especially where the city is perceived as a space where a woman tries to learn and try a sense of self-expression through wandering. In this research, an attempt has been made to analyze the experience of roaming in the city of Kermanshah by relying on the opinions of Walter Benjamin. Thus, the main question of the present research is to what extent women's experience of being in the urban spaces of Kermanshah can make it possible for them to implement a form of self-expression and self-realization? Collaborative observation techniques and interview methods were used to collect data, and the data were extracted until they reached the degree of theoretical saturation. According to the findings of this research, the wandering of women in Kermanshah for reasons such as the majority of women being trapped in meeting their daily needs and unequal access to urban spaces is an unfinished experience, and despite the creation of limited forms of subjectivity, there is not much room for self-expression and implementation of forms of individuality. It does not leave their vote as desired. Introduction We have often seen that, in the ordinary course of life, behaviors and actions are formed either by disruptions in daily routine or by factors such as curiosity or leisure time. Perhaps "talking" can be included in this category of daily life. Various thinkers have discussed this behavioral pattern, which has become a new culture and identity, or a way of "being in the world". Several arguments have been presented by different thinkers. Walter Benjamin, as one of the theorists in this field, draws attention to the cultural context of modernity that led to the emergence of the phenomenon of vagrancy and believes that the attempt to understand vagrancy can act as a guiding tool for understanding "modern urban culture." But the experience of wandering for women in Iranian society, and specifically in the city of Kermanshah, is more worthy of reflection. The question of the present study is to what extent women's experience of being present in urban spaces of Kermanshah enables them to implement a form of self-expression and self-realization in the form of wandering Theoretical Framework To address women's experience of the city, a conceptual framework is needed so that the question of this study can be understood under it. Considering the relevance of Walter Benjamin's discussions about wandering to the present research, we preferred to use Benjamin's concepts. Benjamin's main words used in this work are: death, poverty of experience, memory, narrative, modernity, and city. In Benjamin's narration, as soon as we come across an experience - whether this experience is related to the normal routines of daily life or to its emergencies - several issues appear in front of us. The first issue relates to the place of experience in the modern era; It means a situation in which it is not possible to own an experience that has passed, nor when an experience is acquired, is it possible to pass it. Therefore, it seems that in the modern era, we are facing both the poverty of experience and the poverty of expressing this poverty. Methodology The statistical population of the present study is women who have a great interest in the street and urban space, who were selected according to the regional context and place of residence. To put it more clearly, in this research, observation (participatory) and interview techniques were used to collect data, and with the snowball method, people who had the experience of wandering in the city were referred to and helped us in introducing people with similar experiences. In this research, the qualitative method of ethnography was used, and the tools of interview and participatory observation were used to collect data. The statistical sample is the women of Kermanshah city, 20 of whom were interviewed in depth during a month. After collecting the data, the work of implementing and organizing the interviews was done. Then the urban ethnographic method was used to analyze the data. Results & Discussion In this view, a wanderer in Kermanshah considers the condition of knowing some layers of the city dependent on using his sense of smell; So much so that if he closes his eyes, he imagines an environment like an Islamic bazaar with the smell of spices, cosmetics, cloves, and its alleys and shops in his mind, and he can even walk through it with his eyes closed. This focus of attention on said experiences is often memorable feelings; For example, the smell of iron, which seems annoying to many people, is full of memories in the old blacksmiths' alley; Even if he doesn't intend to buy, he likes to touch the fabrics when he passes through the darkness of the market; Sometimes he likes to draw his hand on the carpets of Juanshir Crossroads. Therefore, in order to associate it and satisfy his curiosity and interest, he has to step into those shops and experience it, and based on this simultaneity, he likes the present and the past. Therefore, the wanderer steps out of the house to remember those memories and knows which streets he will touch with his whole being if he passes. Conclusions & Suggestions Acquiring experience is never complete based on what one hears, even if a person uses his intellect and intelligence completely for everything he sees and hears, because a person's experience is obtained through his freedom in acquiring it. The wanderer is sometimes looking for a change in the direction of expanding the scope of possibilities, and from this point of view, the important reason why the street can attract women is the sense of liberation, freedom, and independence. Therefore, wandering is the dream of women in everyday experience, which may not be easily realized or may gradually become a reality. All in all, the city and the space in which the possibility of experimenting is little or accompanied by fundamental limitations, delays the matter of liberation. Ethical Considerations Not applicable Funding Not applicable Conflict of interest The authors declare no conflict of interest پرسه‌زن با این تصور که تجربه شهر همچون رؤیایی است که باید در بیداری پی گرفته شود، به ناگزیر، زوایا و خفایایی از شهر را وارسی می‌کند که بیرون از میدان دید مرسوم قرار دارد. این امر در تجربه زنانه از پرسه‌زنی، پیچیدگی بیشتری را به همراه دارد؛ به‌ویژه آنجا که شهر همچون فضایی ادراک می‌شود که زن می‌کوشد از طریق پرسه‎زنی، حسی از خودبیانگری را در آن بیاموزد و بیازماید. در این پژوهش تلاش شده تا با تکیه بر آراء والتر بنیامین، تجربه پرسه‎زنی در شهر کرمانشاه مورد واکاوی قرار گیرد. بدین ترتیب، پرسش اصلی پرسش پژوهش حاضر این است که تجربه زنان از حضور در فضاهای شهری کرمانشاه تا چه اندازه می‎تواند اجرای شکلی از خودبیانگری و خود تحقق‌بخشی را برای آن‌ها امکان‌پذیر سازد؟ برای گردآوری داده‎ها از تکنیک‌های مشاهده مشارکتی و روش مصاحبه استفاده شده و داده‌ها تا جایی استخراج شده‌اند که به درجه اشباع نظری برسند. بر اساس یافته‌های این پژوهش، پرسه‌زنی زنان در کرمانشاه به دلایلی چون گرفتار ماندن بخش عمده‌ای از زنان در رفع نیازهای روزمره و دسترسی نابرابر به فضاهای شهری تجربه‌ای ناتمام است و علی‌رغم خلق اشکال محدودی از سوژه‌گی، چندان مجالی برای بیان خود و اجرای اشکالی از فردیت دلخواه برای آنان فراهم نمی‌آورد.

https://ipes.razi.ac.ir/article_3966_39ab1dfac945c0ea8853c9d4ad6c534a.pdf

دانشگاه رازی مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل 2383-3602 8 2 2026 02 20 The Impact of the Policies of the Hashemi, Khatami, and Ahmadinejad Governments on Economic Development in Iran تأثیر سیاست‌های دولت هاشمی، خاتمی و احمدی‌نژاد بر توسعه اقتصادی در ایران (1392-1368) 227 247 4151 10.22126/ipes.2026.12678.1764 FA سجاد سعیدی گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد تهران جنوب، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران 0009-0000-2059-3147 سید عبدالامیر نبوی دانشیار گروه مطالعات منطقه‌ای دانشگاه تهران و استاد مدعو گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد تهران جنوب، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران. 0000-0002-0469-173X علی مرشدی زاد دانشیار گروه علوم سیاسی دانشگاه شاهد و استاد مدعو گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد تهران جنوب، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران. 0000-0002-1915-235X Journal Article 2025 08 23 In contemporary times, the state continues to be regarded as one of the most influential actors in the economic sphere, capable of accelerating or decelerating the process of national development. Following the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, economic policymaking has remained one of the central concerns of successive governments. Successive administrations have consistently sought to reform, restructure, and adapt Iran’s economic system to align it with the global economy. The present study aimed to examine the impact of governmental policies on Iran’s economic development during the period 1989–2013 (1368–1392 in the Iranian calendar). Specifically, it seeks to address the question of how state policies during this timeframe influenced the trajectory of Iran’s economic development. Utilizing a documentary research method, the study argues that the three administrations of Reconstruction, Reform, and Justice-Oriented governments each pursued economic reform agendas. However, despite their efforts, none succeeded in achieving sustainable economic stabilization. Over time, their policies contributed to shifts in Iran’s class structure and facilitated the growth of the urban poor. The Reconstruction Government promoted economic liberalization as the path toward reform and transformation; the Reform Government, emphasizing political development and détente, sought broader engagement with the international community; and the Justice-Oriented Government, which defined itself in opposition to the economic policies of its predecessors, endeavored to advance both justice and economic development. Introduction Today, government policies constitute a fundamental component of national economic development. As the most influential actor in the economy, the state can either accelerate or impede societal progress toward development. Following the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the onset of Hashemi Rafsanjani’s development-oriented government, Iran embarked on an accelerated path of reconstruction and development to repair the damages inflicted by the Iran–Iraq War. This developmental trajectory was continued during the administrations of the Reformist and Justice-oriented governments. The present study seeks to examine and critically assess the economic policies of successive Iranian governments. The central research question is: What has been the impact of government policies on the economic development of the Islamic Republic of Iran between 1989 and 2013? The Construction Government (1989–1997), adopting a liberal economic orientation, pursued structural adjustment and economic liberalization, which exacerbated socioeconomic stratification. The Reform Government (1997–2005), continuing the liberal trajectory of its predecessor, further widened the wealth gap between the affluent and the poor by liberalizing foreign exchange rates. The Justice-Oriented Government (2005–2013), which entered the political arena by critiquing the economic policies of the preceding administrations, initially managed to control inflation but ultimately failed to establish the intended social justice. This government’s economic pressures also deepened class divisions and altered the structure of social strata, similar to its predecessors. Definitions and Theoretical Foundations 2.1 Economic Development According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), development is a process that fosters growth, progress, and positive transformations in physical, economic, environmental, social, and demographic dimensions without compromising environmental resources. Unlike mere growth, development incorporates both quantitative and qualitative improvements (Taghavi, 2023). Summarizing definitions of economic development, Naraqi (2015, pp. 120–122) states that: "Economic development is a continuous process of improving the economic welfare of a society, resulting from transformation in its socio-political, economic, scientific, and cultural foundations, and achieving the goals of economic modernization.” 2.2 Developmental State Theory A central axis in analyzing national economic development is examining the role of the state in growth and industrialization processes. Various theoretical perspectives have emerged, each emphasizing different levels and modes of state intervention. The Developmental State Theory, introduced by Chalmers Johnson (1982), argued that the state does not merely act as a regulator or facilitator but as a principal actor in determining industrial priorities, allocating capital, and supporting strategic industries. 2.3 Keynesian Theory John Maynard Keynes, one of the most influential economists of the twentieth century, established Keynesian economics with his seminal work The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money (1936). Keynesian theory emerged as a response to the Great Depression of the 1930s, when capitalist economies faced severe recession, mass unemployment, and falling aggregate demand — conditions that classical economic theories failed to address (Skidelsky, 2009). Keynes challenged the classical assumption that markets naturally adjust to full employment in the long term, arguing that economies could remain in equilibrium with high unemployment because market forces alone cannot guarantee full employment. 2.4 Research Objective This study critically examines the economic policies of the Construction, Reform, and Justice-oriented governments in Iran, focusing on major macroeconomic policy dimensions, including structural adjustment, privatization and economic liberalization, exchange rate policy, targeted subsidy policy, monetary and banking policy, and economic redistribution. Research Methodology This research adopts a qualitative, descriptive–analytical approach. Data were collected through library-based documentary research from credible academic sources to extract relevant policy indicators and theoretical frameworks. 3.1 Major Economic Policies of Hashemi Rafsanjani’s Government The core of Rafsanjani’s policy agenda centered on “construction” and “adjustment” as key pillars. Supportive programs were designed to mitigate the burdens of economic restructuring on vulnerable groups. The strategic priorities included: sustainable growth and development, economic stabilization and adjustment, program-based economic policies, reduction of state size, economic liberalization, enhancing competition, promoting exports, unifying exchange rates, and attracting foreign investment and technology transfer (Center for the Documents of Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani). Key policies discussed in this research include structural adjustment, privatization and economic liberalization, exchange rate policy, and banking reforms. 3.2 Major Economic Policies of the Reform Government The economic program during the Reform era focused on structural reforms, fiscal and tax system reform, unification of exchange rates, enactment of foreign investment legislation (leading to $10.4 billion in foreign direct investment), establishment of private banks and insurance institutions, consolidation of tariffs, creation of an oil revenue stabilization fund, and development of the South Pars gas field (Motevaki, 2006, p. 346). This research examines structural adjustment, privatization and economic liberalization, exchange rate policy, and banking reforms during this period. 3.3 Major Economic Policies of the Justice-Oriented Government In 2005, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won the presidency with a promise to transform Iran’s economic approach, criticizing the theoretical foundations of preceding governments and accusing them of neglecting equitable regional development and economic justice (Parliamentary Commission on Budget and Planning, 2010). A major economic initiative was the “Targeted Subsidy Reform” program, passed by parliament in March 2010 and implemented in winter 2011, aiming to eliminate subsidies and reallocate resources more effectively (Sarzaim, 2016, pp. 288–289). This research reviews policies related to structural adjustment, privatization and economic liberalization, exchange rate policy, banking reforms, and targeted subsidies. Conclusion Iran’s economic system, like that of many nations, is directly influenced by political decisions and orientations. Liquidity levels and investment volumes are determined within the framework of policy orientations adopted by political institutions. Since the Islamic Revolution, the interplay between politics and economics has been intrinsic to Iran’s developmental trajectory. The Construction, Reform, and Justice-oriented governments, each with distinct political outlooks, sought to redefine the economic orientation of the state. Despite their differing approaches, these governments were unable to achieve sustainable improvements in living standards for the Iranian population. Structural adjustment policies, exchange rate unification, subsidy reforms, and other macroeconomic measures often exacerbated socioeconomic inequalities, reduced purchasing power, and deepened class divides. Ultimately, these policies facilitated transformations in Iran’s social structure, contributing to the emergence of a wealthy capitalist class, a new urban middle class, and an expanded urban poor stratum. Ethical Considerations Not applicable Funding Not applicable Conflict of interest The authors declare no conflict of interest امروزه دولت همچنان به‌عنوان یکی از مهم‌ترین بازیگران عرصه اقتصاد محسوب می‌شود که می‌تواند روند توسعه جوامع را با سرعت کم یا زیاد پیش ببرد. پس از پیروزی انقلاب اسلامی ایران، یکی از موضوعات اساسی و در دست اقدام دولت‌ها، سیاست‌گذاری در عرصه اقتصاد بوده است و دولت‌ها پیوسته به دنبال اصلاح، تغییر ساختار و ماهیت اقتصادی ایران و متناسب‌سازی آن با اقتصاد بین‌الملل بوده‌اند. مقاله حاضر، با هدف بررسی تأثیرات سیاست‌های دولتی در توسعه اقتصادی ایران طی سال‌های 1368 تا 1392، به دنبال پاسخ به این پرسش است که سیاست‌های دولتی در بازه زمانی یادشده چه تأثیراتی بر توسعه اقتصادی ایران داشته است؟ این پژوهش که داده‌هایش به روش اسنادی گردآوری‌شده، مدعی است که طی این سال‌ها دولت‌های سازندگی، اصلاحات و عدالت‌محور همگی درصدد اصلاح اقتصاد ایران برآمده‌اند، هرچند نتوانستند روندهای اقتصادی کشور را سامان دهند و به‌تدریج زمینه برای تحول طبقاتی در جامعه ایران و رشد طبقه فقیر شهری تسهیل شده است. دولت سازندگی با شعار آزادسازی اقتصادی مسیر اصلاح و تحول را در پیش گرفت؛ دولت اصلاحات با شعار تنش‌زدایی و توسعه سیاسی به دنبال تعامل با بیشتر با جهان بود و دولت عدالت‌محور که سیاست خود را در نقد سیاست‌های اقتصادی دو دولت قبل قرار داده بود، کوشید در مسیر عدالت و توسعه اقتصادی به‌پیش رود.

https://ipes.razi.ac.ir/article_4151_39c5719a9be14e94e70b05bf6c41a86c.pdf